A Phenomenological Study of Perspectives on Teacher Diversity and the Lived Experiences of Black Public School Teachers

The purpose of this study was to explore the perspectives and lived experiences of Black public school teachers as related to the underrepresentation of Black teachers in the teaching profession. Data were collected through interviews with ten teachers who identified as Black and were employed by two school districts in northeastern Rhode Island. Through phenomenology as a methodology, and autoethnography as a method, this study sought to explore the lived experiences of Black teachers in contemporary public school settings and their perspectives on teacher diversity. This study provides an in-depth and intimate understanding of what it is like and what it means to be a Black teacher and the various emotionally charged and sensitive topics experienced by members of the group experiencing this phenomenon. This study focuses on what can be learned from the stories that each person brought to the research encounter and how to improve diversity in the teacher workforce.


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Chapter 1 There is a growing disparity between the number of teachers of color and students of color in the United States in the nation's public school system. A featured article in The Washington Post stated that: "The challenge persists even as research emerges showing that a Black person's presence at the front of a classroom has the power to dramatically improve a student's trajectory" (Richman, 2018). This statement is true for my primary, secondary, and college/university educational experiences.
American schools today are experiencing a significant student demographic shift, with increasing numbers of students of color. Unfortunately, the teacher workforce does not reflect this diversity, and diversifying the teaching profession is an act of disrupting educational inequities (Goings, Brandehoff, & Bianco, 2018). Teachers of color have a particularly positive effect on students of color; they have been found to hold higher expectations for students of color and to be both more likely to refer students of color into gifted and talented programs and less likely to refer them for suspension and special education (Ford, 2010;Grissom & Redding, 2016).
I was born and raised in Newport, Rhode Island where I attended the public schools of the city. On the first day of school in September of 1984, I began the fourth grade. This was a day which will live not in infamy but in renown, because it was the day I met the woman who would become the inspiration for my career in education, Mrs.
Pauline Hudson Barge, my fourth grade teacher. Regal was not just the model of the pretty white Buick sedan she drove to school each day, but regal is also the best word to describe the aura of this woman.

Statement of the Problem
The lack of teacher diversity in American public schools is a problem because research studies have shown that diversifying the teaching profession improves student performance for all students, especially for students of color in low-performing schools (DeRuy, 2014). Research suggests three reasons for the need for increased teacher diversity: a) Black teachers are valuable role models for all students, especially students of color (Quiocho & Rios, 2000); b) Black teachers are often cultural brokers for students of color in that they have the ability to bring an understanding of students' cultural 3 background and experiences (Villegas & Irvine, 2010); and c) Black teachers have significant impact on other student outcomes, including attendance, advanced placement (AP) enrollment, gifted and talented referral, and college acceptance and attendance rates (Villegas & Irvine, 2010).
The purpose of this study was to examine the lived experiences of ten Black teachers. The focus of inquiry will be related to their presence, or lack thereof, in American public school classrooms. Therefore, the research question for the study was, how do Black teachers perceive and interpret their lived experiences in the field of education? By addressing this question, I sought to determine whether or not there is value to increase the number of Black teachers and their contribution to American public schools. Efforts to diversify the teaching force are at risk without clear answers to these questions, especially given the weight that empirically-based evidence currently commands in the decision-making process on how to allocate limited public resources, including education (Villegas, Strom & Lucas, 2012).
Beyond the facts and figures about the recruitment and retention of Black teachers, this study represents the lived experiences of Black teachers as articulated by them. What better way to discover the value and purpose of increased teacher diversity than to directly examine the professional and socialization experiences of Black teachers?
It is likely that the most valid and reliable insights on the value and purpose of increased teacher diversity can be directly drawn from Black teachers' articulations of their own lived experiences. The lived experiences and perceptions of Black teachers can also help to add a more informed justification and implementation for greater teacher diversity in America's public schools.

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To meet this aim, I first describe how the scholarly literature addresses such key issues as the current status of teacher diversity, an issue of demographics and democracy, what increased teacher diversity can accomplish, critical race theory in teacher diversity, and critical race theory and microaggressions. I then describe how I used the qualitative methods phenomenologically; these methods consisted of semi-structured interviews and reflexive ethnography/autoethnography to collect and interpret the data addressing participants' reactions to their lived experiences as Black teachers as well as the lack of representation of their racial group in schools. I thematically analyzed the data by looking for themes and patterns relevant to the participant's lived experiences as Black teachers. I also examined the commonality of participants thoughts and feelings about the lack of relative absence of teachers of color, especially Black teachers. Finally, I present these results and discuss their implications.
An important point to make in order to help provide clarity in the presentation of this study is the use of the terms 'Black' and 'African-American' interchangeably at times; as I use them here, both refer to people of African descent who were born in the United States. "Black" does not mean this from a Pan-African, global perspective.
Africans consider themselves and are referred to as "Blacks." Additionally, the terms 'minority,' 'teachers of color,' 'students of color,' and 'people of color' each refer to individuals who are non-White.
The terms are appropriately used to articulate and illustrate the study participants and/or scholarly work offered in the study.

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Chapter 2: Review of the Literature

Theoretical Framework
For the past several decades, there has been a shortage of teachers of color, and this has been a large issue for, and in, the nation's schools. There is widespread agreement that the American elementary and secondary teaching force should "look like America" (Ingersoll & May, 2016). It has been expressed that, as the nation's general and student populations have become more racially and ethnically diverse, the teaching force has grown less diverse. As a result, students of color in America's schools are increasingly lacking in adult role models who look like them as well as in having the opportunity for consistent contact with teachers who better understand their racial and cultural backgrounds. The shortage of teachers of color is one of the major reasons that there is an achievement gap between White students and students of color, as well as unequal occupational and life outcomes. It is not an overstatement to say that this shortage is a major civil rights issue (Ingersoll & May, 2016).
According to Ingersoll and May (2016), the main source of this teaching shortage lies in problems with the teacher supply pipeline. There are too few students of color who enter and complete college and those who do have an increasing number of career and employment options outside of the teaching field. Moreover, when minority candidates decide to enter teaching, they often encounter such barriers as teaching entry exams, on which candidates of color often attain lower scores and lower rates of passing.
Such barriers are often caused by limited life experiences and limited exposure, which can be attributed to the shortage of teachers of color. In many instances, entry exams for prospective teachers are not designed for Black or Multicultural candidates. For 6 example, as a child I lived in a house that had a detached garage in the backyard. Many of my Black friends and classmates lived in low-income housing where there were no garages (or backyards). By the time a prospective Black teacher candidate takes an entry exam, they may not be aware of such things as a garage; the point is, many Black and Multicultural candidates grow up with disparities through limited life experiences and exposure, which often creates barriers to success.
From a policy perspective, the response to this teacher shortage has been to try to recruit more candidates of color into teaching. In recent decades, there have been numerous government and nongovernment organizations that have tried a variety of teacher recruitment programs and initiatives. These have included future-educator programs in high schools (often referred to as grow-your-own programs), partnerships between community colleges and four-year teacher education programs, career ladders for paraprofessionals in schools, and alternative teaching certification programs. Many of these initiatives have been designed to bring teachers of color (specifically males, who are in the shortest supply) into schools that are predominantly populated by students of color in low-income, urban school districts. One problem with such efforts is that lowincome urban districts are not the only places in which teachers of color are needed. A diverse teaching staff across districts with diverse populations and socioeconomic status is beneficial to all students, including White students who should be afforded the opportunity to recognize that not every qualified teacher or well-educated professional is White.
In a study conducted by Ingersoll and May (2016), in order to uncover minority teacher recruitment, employment, and retention from 1987 to 2013, there was one key 7 factor identified for the high concentration of teachers of color who are overwhelmingly employed in low-income, urban districts with high numbers of students of color. That finding is that teachers of color are two to three times more likely than White teachers to work in such conditions identified as, "hard-to-staff schools" (Ingersoll & May, 2016, p. 3). The data from this study showed that, "in spite of competition from other occupations for minority college graduates, and in spite of apparent barriers to entry, efforts over recent decades to recruit more minority teachers and place them in schools serving disadvantaged and minority student populations appear to have been successful" (Ingersoll & May, 2016, p. 3). However, on the retention end of this issue, while the subject of demographic characteristics of schools appeared to be important to teachers of color in their initial employment decisions, according to the data what matters more is, when teachers of color decide whether to stay or leave, are school working conditions. Ingersoll and May (2016) asserted that the very same "hard-to-staff" schools that are more likely to hire teachers of color are also more likely to have less desirable working conditions (p. 3). The data suggest that this finding accounts for the higher rates of minority-teacher turnover (2016). In short, the data indicate that teachers of color are employed at higher rates in schools serving disadvantaged students, but they also depart at higher rates because these same schools tend to be less desirable as workplaces (Ingersoll & May, 2016).
An even more striking finding from Ingersoll and May (2016) is that the conditions for minority teachers' departures were not lower salary levels, the absence of useful professional development, or the shortage of classroom resources. These all had little association with the departure rate. It was rather the low level of collective faculty 8 decision-making influence in the school and the degree to which individual instructional autonomy of teachers. Ingersoll and May (2016) referred to influence and autonomy in the workplace as "key hallmarks of respected professions" and summarized their data with the assertion that "schools that provided more teacher discretion and autonomy, as well as schools with higher levels of faculty input into school decision making, had significantly lower levels of minority teacher turnover" (p. 5).
The growing mismatch between the degree of racial/ethnic diversity in the nation's student population and the degree of diversity in the nation's elementary and secondary teaching workforce (Quiocho & Rios, 2000;Villegas, Strom & Lucas, 2012) is the topic of many previous research studies. Since there is limited empirical research on the perspectives of Black teachers themselves and their thoughts on teacher diversity, the main focus of this literature review is to examine three topics. First, the current status of teacher diversity; second, teacher diversity as an issue of demographics and democracy; and third, what increased teacher diversity can accomplish for students, for school districts, and for education in general.

Current Status of Teacher Diversity
Close to half of the public school students in the United States are students of color (National Center for Education Statistics [NCES], 2015). Yet teachers of color (those who identify as Latino/a, African American, African, Asian American, Pacific Islander, American Indian, and/or biracial) only account for about 15% of the teaching force (NCES, 2012). An examination of the data clearly shows that education in the United States has a shortage in regard to teachers of color and that students today are significantly more racially diverse than their educators (Boser, 2011). Indeed, these 9 statistics show a monumental gap between teacher and student demographics in the United States. Students of color are predicted to make up 55% of the public school population by 2024 (Kena et al., 2015), but the teacher workforce does not reflect this diversity. For example, during the 2011-2012 school year, 80% of teachers were White, whereas 51% of students were non-White. Black and Hispanic students made up 16% and 24% of the student population respectively, but Black and Hispanic teachers only accounted for 7% and 8% of the teaching workforce (U.S. Department of Education, 2016). The reports declared that to accomplish teacher diversity, greater resources would be needed, barriers examined, and policies put in place to support this goal.
As a 20-year veteran Black teacher, I have personally experienced the impact of the statistics presented in these reports. Upon conducting this study, I had to ask myself more deeply than I had in the past: Why is diversifying the teaching workforce is so important? My research-based answer? Diversifying the teaching profession is an act of disrupting inequities in education and society at the local, state, and national levels.
According to current research, and from my own lived experiences, teachers of color can have a particularly positive effect on students of color; we have been found to hold higher expectations for students of color, in the form of both student behavior and academic achievement. Diversifying the teaching workforce is not only a benefit to students of color as teachers of color; teachers of color can equally benefit White students.
According to Goings, Brandehoff, and Bianco (2018); Given the deficit stereotypes placed on men and women of color, being taught by a teacher of color can provide White students with positive images of different racial groups, which is crucial if it is our collective desire as a country to disrupt inequities in education and society at large. Yet under the current teacher-staffing paradigm, many White students could go their entire educational career without being taught by a single teacher of color (p. 51).
More recently, The Education Trust (2016) published a report entitled Through Our Eyes: Perspectives and Reflections from Black Teachers, which chronicled the lived experiences of Black teachers and included a sample of 150 teachers in public and public charter schools in seven states. In March of 2015, the research team that was established to conduct this study set out to hear from teachers of color by hosting a series of focus groups with Black and Latino teachers across the country. The team used data from the Schools and Staffing Survey (SASS) (2012) to target states and districts with high numbers of teachers of color, and recruited participants through schools, districts, and teacher organizations. Their goal was to better understand the unique experiences of these teachers, why they teach, their perspectives on the state of education, what they believe they bring to the classroom and to the field, and the challenges they may experience in the workplace because of their race. These findings were presented in November of 2016 and were solely from the focus groups with Black teachers.
The Black teachers whose voices were heard in the aforementioned study were frustrated but remained in the profession because they loved their students and their work, and wanted to be able to fully contribute to the educational success of their students. Many Black teachers, though passionate about their work and the high expectations they have of their students, expressed the limitation of acting as disciplinarians instead of being respected for their ability to manage academic delivery within their classrooms. They also expressed the perception that, though they may relate well to students, they had to "tone down" their personalities to be seen as professionals (Griffin & Tackie, 2016, p. 1). Moreover, many among the participants felt that, "without the acknowledgement of the pedagogical and subject matter expertise essential to their profession, they felt they lacked opportunities for advancement and were undervalued and unappreciated" (Griffin & Tackie, 2016, p. 1). The researchers noted that they heard similar sentiments everywhere they went, which demonstrates the ubiquitous nature of these issues regardless of context or geography.
The researchers further reported that, "to be clear, our findings are not entirely new; what is new is qualitative findings on Black teachers that are representative of the nation" (Griffin & Tackie, 2016, p. 2). The researchers explained that, over many years, both qualitative and quantitative research has examined the impact of teachers of color in classrooms and schools. While national data expose retention and hiring trends, qualitative data are necessary to expand and understand attrition among Black teachers.
The researchers further ascertain that prior to their study, and by methodological tradition, qualitative studies have focused on small pockets of teachers often within a given state or even a specific district. The qualitative data in the study were expanded to gain an understanding of teachers across the nation and to present findings that can be extended to an entire population of Black teachers and useful to multiple stakeholder groups in education.
New evidence on the importance of diversifying the teaching profession continues to emerge. In April of 2017, Ashley Griffin, then interim director of K-12 research at The Education Trust and co-author of the aforementioned report, Through Our Eyes, reported the publication of a study conducted by the Institute of Labor Economics. Griffin (2017) (Griffin, 2017). The experiences of Black teachers, as former or ongoing students themselves, were enriched by having a teacher who looked like them; as educators they provided the kind of relationships, classroom environments, and expectations for students of color that helped them shine.
The main question her report examined was, Why do these benefits accrue? Griffin stated "Honestly, we don't know why" (Griffin, 2017). While the answer may not be completely clear, what is clear are the five points heard during the focus groups: 1. Black teachers believe they impact the lives of Black students in ways that differ from their White colleagues.
2. Black teachers develop an initial trust and rapport with Black students that help build relationships that promote learning; teachers expressed the feeling that because of perceived cultural and experiential similarities, students came to trust them more and feel safe in their classrooms, thus creating a conducive learning environment.
3. As role models for Black children, Black teachers feel they are examples of how to overcome challenges in order to become successful in life.
Many Black teachers shared their understanding of the lived experiences of their Black students, and, because of this, they feel confident teaching students about challenges of discrimination and, at times, poverty, and 13 were well-positioned to help students understand what it takes to be successful in this world. 4. When Black students encounter challenges in the classroom, Black teachers sympathize as White teachers do. The difference is that they do not use these challenges to make excuses for students; but rather to show students these are reasons to press on and succeed. 5. Black teachers often feel an obligation (that they say is somewhat intensified by their limited representation in the teaching workforce) to go beyond teaching solely academics and to educate the entire child, including character-building and everyday life skills. This sense of obligation often comes about because they believe that Black students will not receive high expectations and life skills from White teachers (Griffin, 2017).
In conclusion, Griffin explained that, "in the end, the 'why' doesn't matter as much as the understanding and acknowledgement that students (all students and especially students of color) benefit from learning in a school building staffed with diverse adults" (2017, p. 2). Such benefits can only happen if and when school and district leaders make diversity a priority and make it their intent to recruit and retain teachers of color in the belief that the effects of such a prioritized intent can be lifechanging for all involved.

Teacher Diversity: An Issue of Demographics and Democracy
The national issue of teacher diversity is both an issue of demographics and of democratic ideals. It is clear that the proportion of students of color in most public 14 schools is significantly larger than the number of teachers of color. However, in a democratic society, I believe teacher diversity is an educational civil right for all students.
In September of 2015, the Albert Shanker Institute (ASI), endowed by the American Federation of Teachers, issued a status report entitled The State of Teacher Diversity.
This report stated that, while there is reason to believe that students of color would likely be the greatest beneficiaries of a diverse teaching force, there is evidence that all students, and national democracy at large, would benefit from a teaching force that reflects the full diversity of the United States population. Of the many research-based points made in the ASI report, there are two in particular that speak to the democratic values that are at the core of reasons for and benefits of greater teacher diversity: 1) positive exposure to individuals from a variety of races and ethnic groups, especially in childhood, can help to reduce stereotypes, attenuate unconscious implicit biases, and help promote cross-cultural social bonding, and 2) all students benefit from being educated by teachers from a variety of different backgrounds, races, and ethnic groups, as this experience better prepares them to succeed in an increasingly diverse society (ASI, 2015, p. 1).
A final point made by the ASI, relative to teacher diversity on a national level and from the collective voices of teachers of color themselves, is that teachers of color are not evenly distributed across schools and tend to be concentrated in urban schools with increased barriers of high-poverty and low socioeconomic status. The ASI further noted that, "survey data show teachers of color are not leaving the profession at a higher rate because of such barriers but because of the working conditions in their schools. The strongest complaints of teachers of color are of the lack of collective voice in educational decisions and a lack of professional autonomy in the classroom" (ASI, 2015, p. 2).

What Increased Teacher Diversity Can Accomplish
A diverse teaching force can assist in bridging the gap between races in terms of academic achievement and providing a greater opportunity for students of color to be educated by teachers who look like them (Quiocho & Rios, 2000;Villegas & Irvine, 2010). Villegas and Irvine (2010) further emphasize two additional reasons for teacher diversity: a) teachers of color can serve as positive role models particularly for students of color who may have few who look like them, and b) teachers of color can bring increased stability to hard-to-staff schools. Additionally, teachers of color could offer shared life experiences with students of color that could support their social, emotional, and academic growth (Gay, 2000). This statement resonates with Villegas and Irvine's (2010) discussion of teachers of color as role modeling relationships with students of color. Of all the points of view offered from the majority of cited works, the importance of teachers of color as role models is a recurring theme but one that is lacking in qualitative empirical evidence. As programs are launched to address the disparities between teacher and student diversity, additional research is needed so that recruitment efforts are not rendered vulnerable in the face of limited public funding for education (Villegas & Irvine, 2010).
From the literature, it seems that teacher race and ethnicity make a difference in the education of all students. The ability to consistently recruit and retain Black teachers requires local, state, and national leaders of education to understand the unique perspectives and experiences of Black teachers themselves, and who better to learn from than the teachers themselves? Therefore, the research question for this current study is, how do Black teachers perceive and interpret their lived experiences in the field of education?

Critical Race Theory
Critical Race Theory (CRT) is focused on the application of an examination of United States society and culture and its connection to the intersection of race, law, and power. The purpose for employing CRT in this study was to examine the ways in which race and racism play a role in the makeup of teaching faculty in American public schools, and the extent to which race makes a difference. It is important to make a connection between CRT and phenomenology, my chosen research methodology; and how CRT holds race as a social phenomenon. Delgado and Stefancic (2012) stated, "Unlike some academic disciplines, critical race theory contains an activist dimension. It tries not only to understand our social situation but to change it; it sets out not only to ascertain how society organizes itself along racial lines and hierarchies but to transform it for the better" (p. 7).
One of the primary tenets of CRT is that race is ordinary, normal, and often a common everyday experience of many people of color in this country. In presenting CRT as the theoretical framework for this study. I use the terms Black and African-American interchangeably at times. Additionally, the terms: teachers of color, students of color, and people of color, each refer to individuals who are non-White. It is import and necessary to explain the choice of nomenclature for this study. As a scholar of the lived experiences of Black teachers, it is important to acknowledge this naming process and that the term 'Black' was selected in full awareness of its historical and evolutionary implications.
The American historical context has imposed several identities upon Black people. The Trans-Atlantic slave voyage symbolically and actually displaced Africans.
But, to think that Africans were a monolithic group is a misnomer. A single slave ship carried many slaves from many different nations, all from the continent of Africa.
Africans understood themselves to be of geographic and cultural nationality. So, the person from Nigerian was/is Nigerian, the person from Ghana was/is a Ghanaian, and so forth. This means that Africans who were forcibly brought to America did not have a slave consciousness nor did they identify as inferior. White slave owners created names for African slaves to nullify the African pride and break the African spirit and replace African heritage with slave culture. While this process traumatized our ancestors, it certainly was not holistically successful. While many individuals suffered under the oppression of slavery, we as a people survived.
Consequently, what developed over time was an evolution of Black American identity. The naming progressed from the most derogatory to variations of selfexpression: the 'N' word, Colored, Negro, Black, Afro-American, and African-American are the major terms used. Racial labels have been of specific importance to Black Americans, mainly as a result of the historical loss of their core personal identities during slavery and the period of the Jim Crow laws (Smith, 1992). Subsequently, we should not be surprised that as a people we share ancestral roots but choose to self-express in a variety of geographical and cultural-based identities. Pointing back to our complex beginnings and our forced sojourn in this country, we are not a monolithic people. It is important to be aware of this complexity and how the Black "lived experience" is informed by the richness of our historical identity.

Critical Race Theory as a Theoretical Framework
One of the first questions I raised about CRT in my quest to learn of its origin and emergence as a framework was, what makes race theory (CRT) critical? In an online literary segment on social theory (specifically critical race and postcolonial theory) entitled New Connections to Classical and Contemporary Perspectives, the Routledge Publishing Company provided a very clear and concise answer: "What makes critical race theory 'critical' is that its major aim is to uncover and critique racially oppressive social structures, meanings, and ideas for the purposes of combating racism. As such the two major objects of study and thought for critical theorists of race are, unsurprisingly, race and racism" (Routledge, 2016). The text continued to explain with the assertion that, with regard to race, critical race theorists have presented a major challenge to theories that understand and present race as something "essential" or biologically ingrained in humans. For scholars of CRT, such racial categories as Black, White, Latino, Asian, Native American, and so forth, are social constructions that are not produced biologically. Rather, they are produced by social relationships, cultural meanings, and the institutions of law, politics, religion, and education. Finally, race as a construct has been argued by critical race theorists as a central aspect of modern social organization and in such modern forms of knowledge as human biology, medicine, and law (Routledge, 2016). Increasingly, it has been applied to education.
CRT is a framework that emerged out of the critical legal studies (CLS) movement during the 1970s and was applied to the field of education in the mid to late 19 1990s. CLS is a leftist legal movement that challenged the traditional legal scholarship that focused on doctrinal and policy analysis in favor of a form of law that spoke to the specificity of individuals and groups in social and cultural contexts (Gordon, 1990).
According to major theorist of CLS and later CRT, Kimberle Crenshaw, "The civil rights struggle represents a long, steady march toward social transformation" (Crenshaw, 1988(Crenshaw, , p. 1334. Crenshaw further stated, (1988), "Critical [legal] scholars have attempted to analyze legal ideology and discourse as a social artifact which operates to recreate and legitimate American Society" (p. 1350). Scholars in the CLS movement decipher legal doctrine to expose both its internal and external inconsistencies and reveal the ways that "legal ideology has helped create support, and legitimate America's present class structure" (Crenshaw, p. 1350). Finally, the contribution of CLS to legal discourse is in its analysis of legitimating structures in society. According to Ladson-Billings (Taylor, Gillborn, & Ladson-Billings, 2016), "CLS scholars critique mainstream legal ideology for its portrayal of U.S. society as a meritocracy but failed to include racism in its critique. Thus, CRT became a logical outgrowth of the discontent of legal scholars of color" (p. 18).
The application of CRT to education was made in order to describe how schools, as institutions, functioned to affirm the racial status quo and has since expanded to include empirical research that examines racism within schools (Kohli, 2016). Since the 1990s, CRT has undergone numerous changes in educational studies and has on occasion been prominent in the news. With a focus on racial inequity, however, CRT is regularly accused of being an ideology intended to stir up racial animosity (Taylor, Gillborn, & Ladson-Billings, 2016). In its current regard of being a controversial approach, one of CRT's core principles is that racism is so common as to be regarded as a normal (and, therefore, as an acceptable, inevitable, and unchallenged) feature of contemporary life, an aspect of the everyday realities experienced by people of color. To that end, and despite opposition by some White political detractors, CRT has grown to become a well-known and popular approach to understanding and opposing racism in education (Taylor, Gillborn, & Ladson-Billings, 2016).

Critical Race Theory and Teacher Diversity
To better understand CRT as it relates to teacher diversity and the lived experiences of Black teachers, it is necessary to first examine the subject from three viewpoints. First, occupational barriers for communities of color; second, the legal system of segregated schools; and third, trends within the teaching profession.
Occupational barriers for communities of color have existed for many years but have changed throughout history (Ahmad & Boser, 2014). For example, during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the southern United States, segregated public schools for African Americans were frequently and completely staffed with African American teachers. In many areas of the country beyond the South, this practice continued until midway through the twentieth century. It was not until the 1954 Supreme Court decision in the case of Brown v. Board of Education, which declared de jure segregated public schools unconstitutional, that integration became the law of the land and was slowly and unevenly implemented and then only to a point. This legislation forced many formerly all-Black schools to close, and Black students were bussed to White schools. As a result, many Black teachers lost their jobs to White teachers, and in the following decades they were pushed further out of the profession altogether through 21 firings, demotions, and forced resignations. By 1970, more than 38,000 African American teachers had lost their jobs (Ahmad & Boser, 2014). From the 1970s on, more professional opportunities for African Americans (women in particular) opened up outside of education, creating a wider selection of occupations for them to choose from.
One result of these trends was that teaching became a predominantly White (and female-dominated) profession. The Center for American Progress (CAP) further detailed the current trends in numbers, with 82% of public school teachers identifying as White, while the nation's students have become increasingly diverse (2014). In 2011, 52% of the 50 million students enrolled in public elementary and secondary schools were White, and today students of color make up nearly half of the nation's public schools' population. In two of the country's most populous states, California and Texas, there already exists a majority of students of color. In fact, CAP estimates that by the year 2043, people of color will make up more than half of the American population, which means that they are extremely likely to represent more than half of the students in public schools (Ahmad & Boser, 2014).
According to Gloria Ladson-Billings (1998), CRT's usefulness in understanding educational inequity requires a critique of some of the civil rights era's most cherished legal victories and educational reform movements, such as multiculturalism. Sixty-three years after the Brown v. Board of Education decision, many students of color still attend schools that are in reality segregated and unequal (Kozol, 1991;2005). One aspect of that inequity is the disproportionately low numbers of teachers of color in America's public schools. To gain an understanding of why such low numbers of teachers of color exist, it is essential to offer a historical perspective. In 1954, when the landmark Brown v. Board of Education case was argued, won, and then made the clarion call for an end to de jure segregation in America's public schools, Black children left the dilapidated schools in their segregated communities for modern and better equipped, historically-White schools. Inevitably, racial intolerance remained intact, and White families did not send their children to the historically Black schools at the same rate. A consequence of this was that many Black teachers were forced out of the profession, and within ten years, by 1964, over 45% of Black teachers were fired (Kohli, 2016). The loss of this population of educators seems not to have recovered and has only grown more disproportionate, hence the purpose of the study.
It is also essential to offer an additional perspective on where the growing inequity of teachers of color originated. Cheryl Harris (1993) argued that our nation and its laws were constructed to protect White property rights, including both the seizure of Indigenous land and the appropriation of the bodies and labor of enslaved people. As a result, an inherent protection of material assets associated with whiteness is embedded in current American institutions and laws. Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) applied Harris's framework to understanding racial disparities in education by building on the argument that the United States is built on property rights over human rights. They further argued that schools are designed to serve White economic interests through disparate educational opportunities (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995).
Looking through Harris's lens of whiteness as property, it is important to recognize that public schools historically, and currently, are not structured to serve communities of color. From the days of de jure segregation to the continued current existence of de facto segregation, inequalities in such educational realms as school 23 funding have consistently pushed students of color into overcrowded and under-resourced schools when compared with their White counterparts. From the threat of physical violence, and even death during the days of integration, to heightened rates of suspension and expulsion, many students of color receive the consistent message that they do not belong in American schools (Kohli, 2016). Even in instances in which communities of color have created and executed organized resistance to these injustices, the fact that such injustices are so deeply embedded in institutional racism prevents systemic change.

Critical Race Theory and Microaggressions
The concept of microaggressions has been utilized in academic research since the late 1960s (Pierce, 1969). The term "microaggressions" was first introduced by Dr.
Chester Pierce, an African American psychiatrist and scholar, in 1970. Pierce (1988) argued that, "all Blacks must have a firm theoretical grasp of racism in order to dilute its crippling effect" (p. 33). In effect, Pierce has meticulously theorized the concept of racial microaggressions for over 40 years to understand how African Americans experience this form of everyday racism. According to Huber and Solorzano (2014), "microaggressions are a form of systemic, everyday racism used to keep those at the racial margins in their place" (p. 1).
Scholars of CRT have borrowed the term microaggressions to discuss the covert forms of systemic racism that exist in society, including educational institutions (Kohli, 2016). CRT scholars have defined racial microaggressions in three ways. First, as subtle verbal and non-verbal insults/assaults directed toward people of color, often carried out automatically or unconsciously. Second, they are described as layered insults/assaults based on one's race, gender, class, sexuality, language, immigration status, phenotype, accent, or name. Thirdly, they are categorized as cumulative insults/assaults that take their toll on people of color (Kohli, 2016). In isolation, racial microaggressions may not have much meaning or impact; however, as repeated slights, the effects can be profound (Kohli & Solorzano, 2012). Because of their elusiveness, it can be hard to pinpoint racial microaggressions as racism, even though they have very real manifestations and consequences for people of color, and in the case of this study, Black teachers.
For the purposes of this study, it is necessary to clarify the connections between CRT and lived experiences. One theorist who offers such a connection is Paulo Freire, who presented the roots of his lived experiences as an empowering educator in his book Pedagogy of the Oppressed (1993). Freire's experience as a child of a middle-class family that had lost its economic base enabled him to identify and develop solidarity with children who had similar experiences, which led to Freire's rejection of a class-based society. Freire (1993) offered a detailed class analysis in which he consistently argued that a thorough understanding of oppression must always go through some form of class analysis. As a component of CRT, microaggressions are a form of oppression that create a struggle between the oppressor and the oppressed. Freire (1993) spoke to this struggle with his assertion that "the behavior of the oppressed is a prescribed behavior, following as it does the guidelines of the oppressor" (p. 47). Microaggressions, conscious yet unintentional, are cumulative and are interpretive-based on the relationship between the oppressed and the oppressor. Moreover, Freire assessed oppression in a way that is hopeful of a transformation toward improved humanity, noting, "To surmount the situation of oppression, people must first critically recognize its causes, so that through transforming action they can create a new situation, one which makes possible the pursuit 25 of a fuller humanity" (1993, p. 47). After learning the six steps of his pedagogy that Freire (1993) outlined, I was able to make a strong connection between steps one (submergence -the oppressed person is submerged), four (objectification -do not let the situation define you; no longer submerged), and five (emergence -plans of action must be devised by the oppressed) which has enabled me to learn how to deal with microaggressions throughout my life and career, and how to emerge from them. Therefore, it is necessary to explain what CRT offers that other, less critical theories do not, and to provide more explicitness about what it means to be critical. As previously mentioned, what makes CRT critical is that its major aim is to uncover and critique racially oppressive social structures, meanings, and ideas for the purpose of combating racism. CRT is not limited to the cultural interpretation of race and the racism of human interaction; it considers the historical, economic, and political structures that have had a critical impact on race and racism, employing an activist dimension that tries not only to understand a social situation but to change it. CRT sets out not only to ascertain how society organizes itself along racial lines and hierarchies but to transform it for the better. person has far less reason to plan how they will dress or present themselves when buying a car, but a Black person must plan accordingly because Black folk still dwell in a society and among individuals who say, in reference to Black folk, "They all look alike" (2015, 27 p. 44). Even in 2018, CRT informs us that Black folk must think and act differently to get results equal to those of Whites.
It is important to analyze the forms of racism that create injustices in schools for both students and teachers of color. According to Huber and Solorzano (2014), institutional racism is a key component to understanding the function and permanence of racism in the United States. Additionally, systemic "racism is embedded within social institutions" such as schools, which in turn serve as "structural mechanisms that perpetuate racism" (Huber & Solorzano, 2014). Unless there is a structural understanding of the racism that exists in the daily lives of people of color, it will remain a continually difficult phenomenon to change. When institutional racism is understood as a mechanism that guides policies, practices, and processes in education strategically, then and only then can there begin to emerge an understanding of the significance of institutional racism in the lives of all (Huber & Solorzano, 2014).
When and how will this emergence occur and what will it take to expose and foster such social awareness? One proposed answer is that when school leaders from the federal, state, and local levels actively oppose institutional norms and practices of "whiteness as property", schools can begin the process of systemic change. Until that happens, many public schools will continue to function as hostile racial climates for both students and teachers of color.
It is important again to point out how CRT differs from other theoretical approaches that hold race as a social phenomenon. To quote from Delgado and Stefancic's (2012) aptly titled book Critical Race Theory, "Unlike some academic disciplines, critical race theory contains an activist dimension. It tries not only to 28 understand our social situation but to change it; it sets out not only to ascertain how society organizes itself along racial lines and hierarchies but to transform it for the better" (p. 7). This activist dimension is what characterizes contemporary "critical" theories.
There are two particular theoretical approaches that come to mind which also hold race as a social phenomenon: stratification theory and postcolonial theory. Stratification theory is a theoretical approach which deals with the social distribution of resources, mainly but not exclusively economic resources, and class-based disparities in wealth and income often based on race and racism. Omi and Winant's (2015) explanation of stratification theory and its approaches, which deal with the social distribution of economic resources, is framed from the perspective of the "race versus class" divide (p. 58). The difference is that race and class are different but are often placed together. I believe that Omi and Winant's point of reference is that individuals who receive a similar or equal income or possess equal quantities of wealth are assumed to have similar "life chances" in the hierarchy of classes.
Postcolonial theory largely emerged in the second half of the twentieth century, as countries and peoples once ruled as colonies (such as India, once a British colony, and Algeria, once a French colony) struggled to gain political independence (Routledge, 2016). Similar to critical race theorists, postcolonial theorists contend that oppression and racism are reproduced by social structures and cultural meanings that are much larger than any one individual and outlast any one historical period. Therefore, I can easily apply CRT to my own upbringing when I reflect on growing up in a predominantly White community. I recall that there were very few role models of color who possessed status and wealth, but those who did were well-educated and owned their own homes. Having 29 been displaced to a public housing project as a result of family circumstances over which I had no control during my childhood, I learned that such life choices as education and home ownership were life chances that I wanted, and I received the message to many Black youth of my era that college was the only way out. I believe it still is.
Finally, Omi and Winant (2015) stated that, "Race is not only a matter of politics, economics, or culture, but all of these levels of lived experiences simultaneously" (p. 162). This statement provides me with a greater sense of clarity in my understanding and appreciation for CRT, because lived experiences involve storytelling and storytelling is a direct line into an individual's lived experiences. According to Gloria Ladson-Billings, storytelling is a part of CRT, and the lived experiences of Black people in each of the aforementioned "levels" of race underscores an important point within the CRT paradigm, and that is the idea that race still matters. Race still matters because Americans all over the country continue to experience racism of varying degrees at all levels of politics, economics, and culture.

Methodological Framework
The current research study used a phenomenological methodology to capture individual experiences within a phenomenon as descriptions of their "universal essence" (Creswell, 2013, p. 76). Such a description can happen through the gathering of qualitative methods such as interviews, discussions, and participant observations. Phenomenological approaches are based on a foundational paradigm of personal knowledge and subjectivity, with an emphasis on the importance of human experience, personal perspective, and interpretation as they relate to the commonalities among all participants. Moreover, a phenomenological study can describe the meaning for several individuals of their lived experiences of a phenomenon (Creswell, 2013).
As a research methodology, phenomenology is meant to interpret experiences through the lens of the participant wherein meaning is inferred through the participant's perspective. The researcher must begin the study with an open mind and rid themselves, as far as that is possible, of preconceived notions, relying heavily on dialogue rather than mere observation. Lived experiences occur in a person's life-world before he or she has reflected on or named the experience, though there is always already an interpretative element prior to reflection (van Manen, 1990). In this study, the phenomena are the lived experiences of Black teachers in the classroom and the lack of diversification among their racial group as educators. Throughout the remaining portion of this study, I will use a fictitious name to specify the research site and the word "Teacher" followed by a pronounced number that identifies each participant in the study.

Location of the Study
This study required access to two different school districts and three different schools in a medium-sized New England city. The term "urban emergent," as conceptualized by Howard and Milner, means that they are located in a city that is smaller than "major cities" but still faces the same adversities as urban intensive schools but to a lesser degree (Milner, 2012, p. 560). All ten participants came from schools located in urban emergent communities.
Of the ten participants in the study, eight were teachers from the DNA Science Academy. The DNA Science Academy is a Kindergarten through grade twelve, accredited, public charter school committed to improving mathematics, engineering, and science studies for urban youth. The DNA Science Academy has a mission to prepare America's next scientists, engineers, and leaders by providing a rigorous academic program aligned with state requirements. The faculty and staff provide hands-on learning experiences with a strong academic emphasis on science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM). This instruction is augmented by an innovative In-Field Learning Experience program that enables students to observe STEM principles, based on endeavors in the real world.

Sample
Due to the limited numbers of teachers in the area who specifically identify as Black or African American, it was necessary to substitute two other teachers from the surrounding areas, outside of DNA Science Academy. Therefore, the two other teacher participants were from a middle school and a high school, one in the same district and the other from a district in close proximity.

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There are dependent variables of sample size, and qualitative inquiry is rife with ambiguities. According to Patton (2002), "there are no rules for sample size in qualitative inquiry. Sample size depends on what you want to know, the purpose of the inquiry, what is at stake, what will be useful, what will have credibility, and what can be done with available time and resources" (p. 242-243). One recommendation for phenomenological research is to select a sample size that will allow for the identification of consistent patterns. For this reason, a purposive sample size of ten was selected. In an effort to achieve saturation and limit redundancy, assessing ten Black teachers allowed for the ability to develop a stronger and closer rapport with each participant and their respective experiences. Of the ten participants who participated in this study, six were current classroom teachers, two were building administrators, one was the Dean of Students, and one was a guidance counselor. The participant who was a guidance counselor has never served in the role of a classroom teacher. The participants ranged in age from 38 to 62 years old, and they varied in years of experience in the field of education from 6 years to 38 years. There were seven male and three female participants; demographics are noted in Table 1.

Data Collection
The two instruments used for collecting data in this study were unstructured interviews and reflexive ethnography/autoethnography. The rationale for using the two instruments was to intimately capture the lived experience of the participants and their feelings and thoughts as to the lack of diversity in their respective schools. Reflexive ethnography/autoethnography allowed me, the researcher for this study, to use my lived experiences in partnering with my colleagues and participants in the sharing of common experiences.
The process of data collection began with the composition of twelve open-ended questions (Appendix A) under four categories: personal education experience, professional experience as a classroom teacher career path, and teacher diversity and teacher recruitment and retention. Patton (2002) claims that, "Open-ended questions and probes yield in-depth responses about people's experiences, perceptions, opinions, feelings, and knowledge" (p. 4). Each participant received two documents via email and a hard copy in person prior to scheduling the interview. These documents were a request for study participation announcement (Appendix B) and a consent document (Appendix C). All ten interviews took place in a classroom or office setting, and all participants received a copy of the twelve questions through email 24 hours in advance of their scheduled interview date and time. The interviews were audio-recorded with a cell phone and transcribed through the app Temi to be printed and analyzed. The interviews ranged in time from fifteen minutes to one hour and four minutes.

Semi-structured Interviews
In the field of qualitative research, interviewing is one of the most widely used methods in investigating a phenomenon. While social researchers commonly use interviewing, the specific interview formats employed often vary. Interviews conducted by phenomenologists, whose main strategy is participant observation, are most often unstructured and similar to a natural conversation. Even in unstructured interviews, however, phenomenologists have already considered the topics that they want to explore and the questions they wish to pose. Thus, such an unstructured interview affords the researcher the ability to direct the conversation with the research in mind and with little structure imposed on the interaction with the participant. In most instances, unstructured interviews occur between individuals who have established an ongoing relationship, one that precedes the interview and will continue after. In such a case, points of discussion during the interview usually reference both a shared history of a relationship with an awareness of a continued association.
For the current phenomenological study, semi-structured interviewing offered the flexibility and special accommodations for time and space due to teacher's schedules.
This process differs from unstructured interviews. In a semi-structured interview, the researcher has a prepared list of interview questions, which may be as structured or informal as a list of memorized topics. In contrast to the structured interviews, semi-

Reflexive Ethnography and Autoethnography
This phenomenological study used the method of reflexive ethnography, a method within the emerging qualitative research method of autoethnography. According to Wall (2006), "autoethnography allows the researcher to write using a highly personalized style, drawing on their experience to extend understanding about a societal phenomenon" (p. 1). Wall (2006) further asserts that, "the intent of autoethnography is to acknowledge the inextricable link between the personal and the cultural and to make room for nontraditional forms of inquiry and expression" (p. 1). As this study is a phenomenology of the lived experiences of Black teachers, and since I am a Black teacher, autoethnography afforded me the opportunity to share my experiences within the scope of this distinctly American, cultural phenomenon. According to Sparkes (2000) autoethnographies "are highly personalized accounts that draw upon the experience of the author/researcher for the purpose of extending sociological understanding" (p. 21).

Data Analysis
Following the completion of the ten interviews, the process for data analysis began with the thorough reading of each transcribed interview and the taking of notes on the constructs or key words that came up often as well as quotes that highlighted important concepts or ideas. To begin the process of the initial coding, I used van Manen's analytical method, and its three aspects of data analysis were utilized. First, a holistic approach provided an overview of the data; second, the selective approach began in an effort to identify patterns; and third, the detailed approach led to the development of themes (Polit & Beck, 2008). To continue the process of coding and theme development, a qualitative research software called NVivo12 was purchased to assist with data analysis. NVivo12 enabled the researcher to electronically import data, arrange and sort information, and examine contexts within and between the data.

Personal Educational Experience
One of the most common themes among the ten participants was in regard to integrated schools. All the participants attended and graduated from elementary, junior high/middle, and high schools that were integrated, with exceptionally low minority enrollments. With the exception of the middle school and freshman year of high school spent in Virginia by Teacher5, the K-2 early elementary experience of Teacher6, and the K-12 experience of Teacher10, all participants were educated in the K-12 public school system of the same state in which they were employed at the time of the study. Most spoke positively about their experiences as students.

Professional Experience as a Classroom Teacher
The most common theme to come out of the professional experiences of the participants was the collective desire to provide all students with a high-quality educational experience and the importance of education as a means of providing equity and opportunity. The majority of participants worked with a large number of students of color, and their desire was to be role models for them.
Most participants expressed that the reasons they became a teacher or entered the field of education was due to a positive experience with an educator when they themselves were students. Additionally, the participants noted that they wanted to give back to the community in which they grew up. This was clearly a career-altering experience for Teacher8 and working with a majority of students of color has created for her a sense of comfort in her career. The lived experience of Teacher8 is supported by the research of Villegas and Irvine (2010) in their 49 assertion that Black teachers are often cultural brokers for students of color in that they have the ability to bring an understanding of students' cultural background and experiences. The experience of Teacher8 is further supported by research of Ashely Griffin (2017) in her explanation that Black teachers develop an initial trust and rapport with Black students that help build relationships that promote learning; as a result, students feel safe in their classrooms, thus creating a conducive learning environment.
Teacher9 was the youngest participant in the study, with six years of experience in education as a middle school guidance counselor. He entered the field of education following an interesting experience he had while working in the juvenile justice system: I was working for juvenile drug court as part of family court. I was a case manager there and I started to realize that they know I love working with children.
I was getting them in the court system, and it was at that point...I wanted to be a little bit more proactive in preventing them from getting to that level of involvement in the juvenile system. Teacher10 explained that when he became a principal, he was only 28 years old and was one of the youngest administrators in the state. During this time, he had two obstacles to overcome, age and color. He explained that his assistant principal was an older Black man who had resigned from a previous position when he found a note in his school mailbox, which read, "niggers don't lead!" Teacher10 stated that the reason for the resignation of his older colleague was due to the fact that, when the note was brought to the attention of the superintendent, no investigation took place. Teacher10 shared that, "as a principal, as a leader in this state and in this city as a Black man, I have always had to keep it about the data and about students." A common theme all participants had agreement with, in regard to their professional experiences, was their positive interactions with students and their positive perceptions by students. Teacher5 and Teacher6 both expressed excitement when talking about their interactions with students and their abilities to have moments of fun with them. Teacher6 stated: I think one of the interesting things is being able to talk about topics that are touchy with students. I think that's the greatest thing about being an African American teacher. We can talk about gangs in a way that they're not going to relate to the science teacher. We can talk about the hood and understand each other.
The lived experiences of Teacher5 and Teacher6 (both of whom teach in the same school) are supported by the research of Ashley Griffin (2017) in her assertion that in the end, the most important aspect is "the understanding and acknowledgement that students (all students and especially students of color) benefit from learning in a school building staffed with diverse adults" (p. 2). These lived experiences are further supported by the research of the Albert Shanker Institute (2015) in its statement "all students benefit from being educated by teachers from a variety of different backgrounds, races, and ethnic groups, as this experience better prepares them to succeed in an increasingly diverse society" (p. 1).
Teacher9 was the only participant of the ten who said that his color and having grown up in the same neighborhood made dealing with parents easier: When I walk in the office, a parent sees me and says, 'I want to meet with this These experiences almost never involve children but are perpetuated by adults.
For example, the experience of an irate White father whom I thought intended to come to school to discuss the academic standing of his daughter but did not. Instead, he insisted on launching an attack on me that was purely grounded in his own issues with race. In another instance, when I entered the classroom for a meeting and before I was even seated, the parent exclaimed, "Clearly this is a Black classroom!" I explained that while my classroom walls are proudly adorned with images of great Americans who inspire me, many of whom happen to be Black, I politely acknowledged, "Please recognize the images of Abraham Lincoln, FDR, JFK, and the artwork of Norman Rockwell." Another moment, which illustrates the need for strong imagery related to its historical significance and the overwhelming admiration that many children have for its main character, is shown the utmost appreciation and respect.

Career Path
Under the heading of career path, the participants and I approached the discussion of experiences and successes as a Black teacher. The responses from the participants were personal and specific rather than the generalized experiences I had anticipated. We had students who were able to secure jobs with starting salaries of $70,000 and $80,000 six weeks after this program, which is actually pretty cool that those kinds of jobs are available, and a lot of kids were able to further their careers through our work and that's something to be very proud of.
Teacher7 referenced his most significant career success as a Black teacher as having been able to "bring together different ideas and being able to bring together a lot of different strands and then make students feel comfortable with those strands; students see me as an ally, and they trust me when I talk about these connections and relationships." As I listened to and conversed with Teacher6 and Teacher7, I noticed that we had much in common because we were all Black male teachers in a similar age bracket, and we all related to a reference that Teacher7 described more than once as "The Cosby Show Unfortunately, today our students do not have many positive images of educated Black parents and families to look to in the media. We all agreed that we, as Black teachers, have a responsibility to youth to emulate the educated image that show portrayed, and to help kids to recognize their full potential to become well-educated and professionally employed.
Teacher9 expressed that his greatest success as a Black teacher has been "the opportunity to work in this school, a school I attended as a child. I started off as a focus counselor, which was a job that no one wanted. That was my way to get a foot in the door." Teacher9 further stated: I find success in coming to work and smiling; it doesn't feel like work because I'm enjoying myself. People sometimes question if I'm really working because I'm smiling working with great young people and pretty much trying to change the narrative of the negative perspectives of this area.

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The school where Teacher9 serves is in a part of the city with many low-income and high-crime neighborhoods, and local schools often receive a poor reputation for those reasons.
I did my student teaching at the same school in 1998 during the spring semester. I had the greatest experience of my life and as a result was very well-prepared to begin my career as a teacher of middle school social studies. My cooperating teacher was an outstanding and dedicated teacher for many years at the time, and she was well loved by former and current students alike. She exhibited great skill in pedagogy and an unending enthusiasm, and, in doing so, she taught me to be prepared and to always take teaching seriously. Following the completion of my student teaching assignment and after graduating from Rhode Island College in May of 1998, my cooperating teacher made it possible for me to deliver the keynote address at the school's eighth grade promotion ceremony.
Teacher10 began the administrative journey of his career at a young age and stated: I would say success has been each of the [administrative] positions that I've held as the youngest principal in the state. I believe somebody saw something in me to say that, okay, we're going to take a chance on this guy. Becoming a principal at age 28 and the fact that someone would trust me to lead one of the lowest performing schools in the state was a success. That school made adequate yearly progress for the first time in history after my third year as principal. I later became a supervisor of science curriculum for the district and then became the executive director of this place. These are all successes that I'm proud of.
Listening to Teacher10 express pride in his successes as a Black educator not only made me proud of him but also proud of the opportunity to have met a new colleague and been granted the privilege of having him be a part of my study. Teacher10 further expressed the development of personal leadership that has sustained him in his successes and in his ability to continually grow as a leader: There are a lot of factors that you have to take into consideration in every decision you make. The factor that has helped lead to my success has been a focus on personal leadership development. It's beyond education; it's beyond what you do in college to get your degree because everybody has the same degrees. How is it that one person can lead more effectively than others? An individual must make a conscious decision to focus on their personal leadership to become a better leader.
I've remained committed to personal development as a leader because it's leadership principles that affect the organization. As the leader grows, the organization grows, if the leader doesn't grow, the organization can't grow. Under the previous heading of Career Path, the responses from the participants were very personal and specific. The majority of Black teachers (eight out of ten) included in the study were from the DNA Science Academy. These teachers did not express the challenge of isolation because of having each other; however, Teacher1, for nearly his entire 40 years as a classroom teacher, had been isolated and did not share racial identifications with his colleagues. This speaks to my experience at the school where I currently teach. I have been a teacher there for twenty years, and for at least sixteen of those years there was not another colleague who shared the same racial background. This feeling of isolation and the absence of camaraderie with colleagues of the same racial background have been challenging to my career as a Black teacher.
Teacher2 spoke of her most challenging experiences as both a teacher and an administrator: Interactions with colleagues have not been the greatest. That's the biggest challenge, working with colleagues and trying to be collaborative and people not wanting to be collaborative but rather competitive, which is not my style. A lack of collaborative effort, even from other Black teachers, remains a challenge.
Teacher3 took a moment to consider her challenges and then clearly expressed a racial microaggression: I did have a challenging situation about four years ago. I had a kindergarten student and I don't think her mother wanted me as the teacher. The student was a White girl and her mother thought she was a princess. The girl was nice, but the mother was not, and she complained about me constantly. The mother went to the principal complaining about me, and the principal took her side. One day the mother was out in the parking lot talking about my class. I wanted to meet with her and the principal to let them both know that they should observe the child's behavior themselves. The problem was bullying, which was a big problem at the time. Every day the child went home and told her mother she was being bullied, even though she was not; in fact, she was doing most of the bullying. The real problem was that when the children would play tag one boy was playing tag with her and he tagged her in the face instead of on her shoulders. She went home and told her mother that a boy slapped her face. The mother came into school very upset. It was a bad situation and the mother ended up taking her daughter out of my class. It ended well because the problem was resolved, but it resulted in me losing a student.
The experience shared by Teacher3 could be classified as a racial microaggression because the parent seemingly began the relationship with the teacher with a cold demeanor and had no real desire for her daughter to be in the classroom of a Black teacher. The bullying incident seemed to have been a coincidental occurrence that enabled justification for the parent to pull her child out of the class altogether For Teacher4, the greatest challenge has been interactions with parents: "At times, some parents take my honesty, and it can be brutal, as unprofessional. One of the parents was lecturing me on how to speak to children. Here I was a 20-year veteran teacher." Teacher4 is not a novice teacher and his experiences have trained him to speak with great conviction about his knowledge of pedagogy and other aspects of his job and sometimes, in so doing, his delivery may be perceived as "brutal" by some. The context of the problem in this example came from Teacher4's experiences in regard to a parent that felt this teacher was not approachable to her son, and who felt that he couldn't talk to the teacher. Teacher4 told her, "Your son doesn't even try to talk to me because he knows what the rules are. He knows what he's supposed to be doing." Teacher4 continued: "You don't need to talk to me about how to speak to anybody because I got this. You know your son. I have to deal with 20 at a time; your son is one, and I have 20 other people's kids." Teacher4 explained that she tried to explain to him again, "I had to let her go, and then she told the principal." Teacher6 and Teacher7 both shared challenges in their ability to relate to their students. Teacher6 expressed: "You get the homeboys that don't see you as hard, so they want to test you." Teacher6 shared an experience at a Saturday SAT preparation session when a male student who was known as "hard" exhibited some challenging behavior in the testing center and the teacher had to say to him quietly: You're going to have to bounce and get the hell up out of here or we're going to have a problem. And he kind of looked at me like, you can't talk like that. It was just weird for him to realize like, damn, he just spoke to me like someone on the street.
Since Teacher6 is familiar with the streets, it was easy for him to move into this role; however, it was challenging because a teacher does not want to confront a student in the manner of the streets. What I love about children of color, in particular, is that they're brutally honest if they feel they are not being treated fairly. They say, 'You let him come in late, you didn't give him detention, but you gave me detention, why is that?' And I have to question myself and I'm like, you know, you're right. And listening to what they say is important to me because this is how I grow. I value being able to teach a student with a 504 or an IEP because I didn't take any special education classes. I study the IEP and I implement the accommodations to the whole class; if one student needs notes, the whole class gets notes. If one student needs me to break it down, then I do it for the whole class.
Admittedly, it was difficult for me to distinguish this example as a success or challenge because Teacher8 turned the often-challenging deed of meeting special education accommodations into a success for herself and for her students. Teacher8 also shared the challenge of dealing with parents:  Griffin and Tackie (2016) in their statement "without the acknowledgement of the pedagogical and subject matter expertise essential to their profession, they felt they lacked opportunities for advancement and were undervalued and unappreciated" (p. 1). The lived experiences that I have expressed here have certainly led to feelings of being undervalued and unappreciated.

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Teacher10 has a mantra for personal growth and personal leadership development, and even in his challenges he has managed to find a way to grow. an experience like no other. These challenges may not be directly related to classroom teaching, but they have been the great for my career. The loss of my mother has been much worse for me than a parent using the word nigger in a meeting. The fact that my students at school have been there to offer comfort through many of these experiences has been remarkable.

Teacher Diversity and Teacher Recruitment and Retention
In response to my interview questions, all participants expressed the ways in which the greatest benefit of teacher diversity is the ability to be a role model for all students (ASI, 2015). There was an overall theme of acknowledgement of the need for greater teacher diversity. There was also a heaviness over these questions that represented a feeling of hopelessness that growth in the number of Black teachers will likely remain stagnant in the years to come. There were few suggestions or recommendations for how to recruit and maintain Black teachers. The majority of the participants have toiled in education for so long themselves that they can almost understand and accept the reasons why so many young Black professionals are not entering the teaching field. Participants highlighted such reasons as low starting salary, which often makes repaying student loans very difficult. The existence of other more attractive fields that pay well from the beginning without the annual steps/scales and the necessity to earn another degree to make more money rather than career advancement were also noted by participants as relevant to departure. Of the ten participants, four had less than twenty years of experience in the field and the average age was over forty years old. None of the participants seemed burned out and all are still working hard at their 72 respective schools. However, there was an understated reality that if any of these ten participants left their schools or retired, they might not be replaced by another Black teacher. Early in my career there were three other Black teachers at my school and when all three retired, or moved to a different job or district, none were replaced by Black teachers.
Teacher1, Teacher8, and Teacher9 agreed on the perspective that the best time to begin to recruit prospective Black teachers is the present, when students are enrolled in the same schools, which we all now serve. As the longest-serving teacher among the participants for this study, Teacher1 is no stranger to the lack of teacher diversity but offered a unique way to identify prospective Black teachers very early: We need to go to the middle schools and start to identify kids and find some way to work with them and potentially work with them in high school to identify them.
Because here's what's happening: we've hired three or maybe four social studies teachers in the last few years. We would have 300 or 400 applications and then no one. There's a couple of reasons: one of them is we keep saying we want the best and brightest, but then they cut our pay and we become the lowest paid in the state, who's going to come here? Second of all, if you're a young minority you've got to get a job that pays because, if you don't, six months later you've got student loans knocking on the door. You have to get a salary that pays them.
And we keep saying we want paid lip service to the best and brightest in education. I think the other thing is that they're just not going into the field because there are other well-paying avenues.
Teacher1 spoke of how many young Black professionals are simply seeking greater financial security earlier in their careers and the reality that the starting salary for a novice teacher is too low.
Teacher9 also supported the perspective of identifying prospective Black teachers as early as middle school: My way of thinking is we need to start from middle school; we could get all of the Teacher1 offered further suggestions about teacher education programs: getting students out and into classrooms much earlier than practicum and student teaching.
Teacher1 stated: I think we need to start identifying kids earlier, nurturing them and staying with them through the university process. And we need to get kids into classrooms earlier; they should be in classrooms their sophomore year and they should spend more time student teaching. Students should be in student teaching for the full school year. I know it's hard because you have to give them a class that they can teach for a year, but they need to do it. One semester is not enough. And if you can identify kids earlier then they'll know if this is what they want.
Teacher8 also supported the same idea of starting to identify prospective teachers earlier: I would probably start in high school; some kids love science and want to do something with math and talk about teaching. They want to make money, but they also see the challenges that we face. We can start in the high school and then the transition [into teaching] becomes easier once they get to college.
Teacher 3 expressed the importance of the collegial experience among Black teachers that is an important benefit: As a Black teacher I think it's very important to have diversity in the schools.
There is one other Black teacher in the elementary section here besides myself, and it's great having her and somebody to lean on and talk to because you go through things that you don't want to share with your White colleagues because it's not the same and you don't know how they're going to take it. I can go to her with anything and feel comfortable. If I didn't have her, I would probably feel isolated, with nobody to talk to; she and I, we get together outside of school and have become good friends. As far as recruitment, I think Black teachers are out there trying to get a job. I know a few myself that are trying, and they just cannot get one permanently. I think they should look out and try to recruit them somehow; they should put minorities in the school because of the population of the students and because it's only going to help.
Teacher4 also expressed the benefit of collegiality among the Black teachers at DNA Because you're able to identify with the race and you're able to identify with the struggles that the kids are going through and, when you don't have that, there's a huge part of the puzzle that's missing and we can't really get the richness out of the kids that we could get otherwise.
Regarding teacher recruitment and retention, both Teacher4 and Teacher5 expressed their concern about teacher diversity as it currently exists in the state. Teacher7 seemed proud of teacher longevity at DNA Science Academy especially through some tumultuous changes in the school's administration. However, he kept his primary focus on the benefits of teacher diversity for students: The great thing about having a diverse community is that students are less likely to get lost. Another factor is the size of the school; there's always someone around that the students can relate to. The positive aspect is that we've got more sounding boards, more teachers that students can feel comfortable with in all aspects. Teachers here give value to students. Teaching is a very special commitment; teaching is awesome.
Teacher8 also expressed her belief in the importance of teacher diversity but not only as a presence of Black professionals in schools: "I just think it's important that we just have more of us here and out in the community and not always in an urban setting, but in suburbia it is even more important." Teacher8 continued, sharing an experience which supports her belief of the need for more awareness in both urban as well as What I'm saying is people need to be held accountable for student achievement, but they also have to be willing to have the flexibility and the autonomy to get the right players on the team. If you have the right players on the team, I look at it as a principle very similar to coaching a team; everybody in the organization itself must be accountable to the students and to student achievement. have a conversation about that, because at the end of the day that's the real reason why we're here. Students need to achieve, they need to progress, they need to move forward, they need to be prepared, and if they're struggling then we need to find out why and then put the plan in place to help.
Teacher10 projected the mantra that teacher diversity is important but more importantly must be grounded in student achievement. This force of stakeholders must begin to accomplish this work through a process of intentional strategic planning wherein teacher diversity is an integral component and stands at the forefront as an important aspect of helping to move a school district forward.
If this work continues to go undone, the result will be that young Black and minority children who do not see themselves in their teachers will begin to believe that Black and minority people do not teach. Students of all races and backgrounds need to be exposed to the reality that not every well-educated professional in the field of education is White.
The work of diversifying the teacher workforce in this state and beyond must begin with the very people involved in education right now.

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Chapter 5: Discussion The foregoing statements of this phenomenological and autoethnographic study spotlight the interpretation of the lived experiences of Black teachers and the challenges experienced therein. The statements are not intended to minimize the differences in the experiences of the study's participants but to provide a descriptive interrelatedness of them as a collective unit of teaching professionals.

Implications for Future Applications of CRT
This study provides a platform for future applications of Critical Race Theory (CRT) as a lens to explore the lived experience of Black teachers. Through a review of the literature, an emerging trend of framing educational research through a CRT lens was illuminated. Through this spotlight, CRT emerged as a response to critiques of legal studies that failed to acknowledge the impact that laws have continually played in perpetuating inequalities (Crenshaw et al., 1995). This theory has helped researchers to highlight how society has been shaped by racism and the roles that race plays in social contexts and systems. By applying CRT to education, researchers (Brown, 2014;Kohli, 2009Kohli, , 2014  phenomenological researchers is to select a sample size which will allow for the identification of consistent patterns, hence the selection of a purposive sample size of ten for this study. The assessment of ten Black teachers allowed for a stronger and closer rapport with each participant and their respective lived experiences. As a qualitative study with a small sample size, this study is not generalizable to a broader population. Marshall, Cardon, Poddar, and Fontenot (2013)  of the data. With ten total participants, the study provided sufficiency in data and a clear understanding of the phenomenon, but had there been a few more interview participants, the study might have provided greater insight into the problem.

Summary
The Black teachers in this study all had the opportunity of attending integrated schools but with few Black teachers or other school personnel. Though none of the participants expressed any remorse that most of their teachers were White, it is a factor that made a difference and one they would not like to see repeated for their students.
Each participant shared their lived experiences and the influences which led them in the field of teaching. The personal educational experiences and influences of the ten participants were clearly articulated, which allowed for an analysis of the data to create a unique narrative of the phenomenon under study. Each participant expressed an experience or influence that had an impact on the professional that they are today; they each expressed the desire to have that same impact on all students, particularly on students of color. I had many excellent teachers in my personal education experiences, but it was Mrs. Barge who provided with me a strong cultural pride and that alone has had the greatest impact on me both personally and professionally. Because Mrs. Barge was my only teacher of color, her ability to bring to my life a lasting sense of cultural pride was very unique and personal.

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The Black teachers in this study are aware of the educational and societal inequalities that exist in the United States. They are also conscious of their identities and how other people use their identities to perceive them as inferior and often challenge or question their judgement, skills, or knowledge of pedagogy. With this consciousness, it is my belief, borne out by this study, that Black teachers tend to enter the field of education with a fierce humanistic commitment to provide a social justice-oriented experience for all students and more intentionally for students of color. As teachers they tend to possess a limitless belief in their students' potential and hold remarkably high expectations in order to facilitate the success of all students.

Career Path
In order to become better educators for all students, these Black teachers tapped into their lived experiences, especially those related to race and culture, to connect with students and families. Regarding their identities, prior to entering their teaching careers or while in their teaching careers, Black teachers had been in environments where they were the only one or one of a few Black teachers in an educational environment. Being in either situation had left some of these Black teachers feeling isolated and had taken a social-emotional toll. For example, the invisible tax of being the primary disciplinarian in many instances or being thought of the hero or savior for all Black and minority students. can have a draining effect on the endurance of Black teachers and their ability to maintain a steadfast focus on student learning. In some instances, certain social connections with former teachers, guidance counselors, and/or mentors provided an alliance of support that assisted these Black teachers, which demonstrated the teacher's professional abilities to adjust and reflect on their individual teaching practices.

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These Black teachers hoped to be recognized by administrators, colleagues, and families for their skills and knowledge of pedagogy, not only for their race, culture, or ability as a skilled disciplinarian. While in their careers, these Black teachers also felt a sense of fulfillment by linking their lived experiences to those of their students and their families by offering a non-judgmental stance on the experiences or situations of their students and their families. Advocating for students and families, especially those of color, was a serious, meaningful aspect of their commitment to education.

Teacher Diversity and Teacher Recruitment and Retention
For nearly my entire twenty-year career as a teacher in public education, I have been the only teacher of color in my school building. From my own lived experiences as a Black teacher, and from the lived experiences of the participants in this study, I highly recommend that educational leaders and policymakers first acknowledge the role race plays in society, for children and adults, and its impact on equitable education and/or career opportunities. It needs to be acknowledged that the reality of race still impacts the education of Black children in public schools and the types of jobs available to them based on their educational experiences and attainment. It is imperative to analyze current hiring practices, policies, and systems to identify ways by which to create a more diverse pool of candidates.
For example, if the office of human resources in a given school district has limited knowledge of teacher diversity and its benefits, or if such an office is completely occupied solely by White personnel, then chances are that there will be little effort in seeking a more diverse pool of candidates. That has been my experience throughout my entire career in public education, and, in instances where I have personally discussed with 86 school department leaders, the response has frequently been that candidates are not out there, meaning extant. The utilization of such organizations as Nemnet Minority Recruitment (a national consulting firm that assists with the recruitment and retention of teachers of color), as well as the establishment of connections with organizations that promote a diverse pool like HBCUs (Historically Black Colleges and Universities), could help to move toward greater teacher diversification.
The deficit in the number of Black teachers and other teachers of color is a nationwide epidemic. Creating statewide campaigns to address and promote teachers of color in the classroom, including providing alternative and highly credible avenues to certification, could be a task of local and state educational leaders working collaboratively with local and state policymakers. The recommendation from some of the participants in this study is to identify prospective teacher candidates as early as middle school and high school and provide incentives for Black undergraduate students and other students of color to pursue careers in teaching. A key recommendation for those already working in the trenches and on the front lines in classrooms is to identify Black teachers and other teachers of color to be involved in the hiring process and decision-making to diversify the workforce.
Finally, in keeping with the purpose of this study, educational leaders and policymakers need to establish a district-based or regional meeting group or mentorship programs that support, discuss, process, and share the stories and lived experiences of Black teachers and other teachers of color. Since 2016, there has been an organization in Rhode Island named the EduLeaders of Color Rhode Island. EduLeaders of Color Rhode Island provides a space where teachers of color and leaders in the education field can meet and share thoughts, ideas, and experiences about their careers, and the educational inequities that exist throughout the state and the nation. This organization is currently developing a system of leaders and educators of color to build its network and elevate the voices in its coalition. The work and mission of EduLeaders of Color Rhode Island welcomes all and involves educators of all backgrounds but maintains a specific focus on creating a supportive space for groups of people that historically have been underserved, underrepresented, and marginalized.
In all educational settings, it is essential to analyze pedagogy, scrutinize standardized testing, revisit curricula, and assess support systems to ensure that students of color in particular are provided a successful and purposeful educational experience. It is also imperative to provide students of color with mentors (some of whom look like them), foster a close connection with teachers who believe in them, and have students of color explore experiences in teaching at a young age to promote teaching among people of color.
Valuing and listening to Black teachers about their experiences of life and education provides educational leaders and policymakers with direct contact and knowledge from the constituents whom they wish to recruit. Black teachers and their lived experiences play a vital role in providing information to support diversifying the teacher workforce. As the experiences from this and prior research indicate, Black teachers would seem to enter education with powerful and humanistic commitments to education. Researchers have suggested that Black teachers connect with students utilizing cultural synchronicity, have unyieldingly high expectations, and provide a caring, safe learning environment for all students, specifically for students of color (Griffin, 2017;Ingersoll & May 2016;Villegas & Irvine, 2010;Quiocho & Rios, 2000).
In my career, I have had the distinct pleasure of hearing in person a staunch advocate committed to improving the lives of children in America, the dynamic Marian Wright Edelman. Edelman (1999) advised, "Be a good ancestor. Stand for something bigger than yourself. Add value to the Earth during your sojourn. Give something back" (p. 166). Providing a platform for the Black teachers in this study to communicate their lived experiences was my way of being a good ancestor and giving back to the rich bounty of my community. As the struggle continues to provide equitable education for all children and the campaign persists to diversify the teacher workforce, educational leaders, policymakers, parents and families, politicians, educators, and community members should seek collective ways to give back and, as individuals, stand for something bigger than themselves. Diversifying the teacher workforce is one such effort in improving the lives of children and providing an equitable education for all students.

Recommendations for Further Research
Additional research on the topic in this study should expand on qualitative methods to deepen the knowledge of the lived experiences of Black teachers and to offer a more holistic and comprehensive assessment of diversity in education. Black teachers were once children in an educational setting that may have offered them a limited view of themselves and their potential as students. Black teachers have a depth of knowledge and a wealth of experiences to offer from both a personal and professional perspective.
Hearing about more of the lived experiences of Black teachers would provide valuable information for the recruitment and retention efforts of a diversified teaching faculty.

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In education there are professional role differences for men and women, regardless of race. Further research should look at both race and differentiation of gender in education, to examine the effects of race and gender on pedagogy, behavior, autonomy, and career advancement within the profession. Finally, further research on this topic should consider the application of CRT as a theoretical lens, to further explore the experiences of Black teachers. By examining how Black teachers are impacted by race in the educational system, researchers may be able to shed light on the successes and the challenges of Black teachers through this theoretical lens. She will place your information in a portable locked file provided by me and store it in a locked closet. I will pick up the portable locked file by the end of the school day on Monday, May 14, 2018 to review participants' participation. I will contact each participant with the scheduled interviewed day and time proposed on the consent form through your school email address. A reminder email confirmation will be sent to each participant the evening before the interview.

Request for Study Participation Announcement
Thank you, Michael Browner, Jr.