Assessing Interaction of Black Racial Identity and Perceived Neighborhood Factors on Educational Utility

Previous research findings have indicated that there continues to be an increased need to assess the impact of neighborhood and community factors on educational outcomes for Black Americans. When investigating neighborhood factors for this population, two understudied variables are perceptions of trust in neighborhood police and collective socialization, particularly in examining their impact on academic outcomes. Furthermore, it is unclear how Black racial identity interacts with the effects of these perceived neighborhood factors on educational outcomes. The present study attempted to add to the literature by exploring how the interaction of racial identity and perceived neighborhood factors impact how Black American young adults view educational success as a means to personal success and well-being (academic utility values). Using a community sample of 298 Black American young adults from across the country, this study measured whether racial identity (i.e., Black centrality, Black private regard and Black public regard) moderated the effect of two different perceived neighborhood factors (i.e., neighborhood police or collective socialization) on academic utility values. This interaction was measured using two hierarchical multiple regression models. The study also assessed whether reports of neighborhood factors and aspects of racial identity differed based on educational attainment using two multivariate analysis of covariance (MANCOVA) models. Results found a negative association between perception of neighborhood police and academic utility values and a positive association between perception of collective socialization and academic utility values. However, results differed from expectations, as racial identity did not moderate the effects of these neighborhood factors on academic utility values. Also, participants with some college or more did not report more positive perceptions of neighborhood factors or overall difference in racial identity characteristics. Study limitations, implications and future directions are discussed.

life satisfaction and well-being (Chavous et al., 2003). There is extensive research that has found higher educational attainment and better academic performance associated with better mental health outcomes and more economic opportunities. Literature indicates that obtaining a postsecondary education can lead to increased job opportunity access, higher salaried employment and overall better quality of life (Knight-Diop, 2010). Regarding mental health outcomes, college degree obtainment was found to be associated with reduced suicidal behavior for men and women (Phillips & Hempstead, 2017). Furthermore, a study conducted by Gaydosh, Schorpp, Chen, Miller and Mullan Harris (2017) found that non-Hispanic Black American young adults from disadvantaged backgrounds who attain a college degree report fewer depressive symptoms compared to their peers who do not complete college.
These findings speak to the overall importance of individual academic success and attainment. However, obtaining strong academic skills is also important to the community and nation as a whole, as individuals with poor academic skills are ill prepared to add to the more technologically advanced workforce (Gardner, Rizzi, & Council, 2014). Historically, Black Americans have underachieved academically when compared to most other racial groups in the United States. Given the link between education and academic achievement to positive outcomes, it is imperative to gain a better understanding of variables that contribute to the success for this historically underachieving group.
Black Americans have reported a rise in their socioeconomic class during recent years, a pattern mainly attributed to a rise in the attainment of higher academic degrees (Hunt & Ray, 2012;Landry & Marsh, 2011). Yet, despite these improvements in college attendance observed in recent decades (Aud et al., 2013;Garibaldi, 1997;Harvey, 2008), educational attainment in the Black community is still disproportionately low compared to other racial groups. Over the past 50 years, the racial differences in the achievement gap have been well documented as White students have historically performed better than Black students academically (Jeynes, 2015). A study conducted by Hoover and Yaya (2010) investigating educational attainment among Blacks, Hispanics and White Americans indicated that Blacks had lower educational attainment scores (9.65 versus 10.35 years of schooling) compared to Whites, contributing to lower overall income.
There is a wide array of literature discussing risk variables that deter the academic success of Black Americans. Numerous factors include lack of school engagement and/or classroom discrimination (Daresbourg & Blake, 2014;Fordham & Ogbu, 1986;Helms, 2006;Milner, 2007). Also, discrimination in school settings has been linked to lower academic achievement among Black Americans (Chavous, Rivas-Drake, Smalls, Griffin, & Cogburn, 2008;DuBois, Burk-Braxton, Swenson, Tevendale, & Hardes, 2002;Fisher, Wallace, & Fenton, 2000). Additional variables impacting academic underperformance for Black Americans include impoverished living/teaching conditions and lower teacher expectations (Lee et al., 2011;Milner, 2007;Noguera, 2003). A study conducted by Neblett, Philip, Cogburn, and Sellers (2006) exploring discrimination in schools found that adolescents who encountered more frequent acts of racial discrimination reported lower grades, lower academic curiosity and lower academic persistence. Not surprisingly, school failure during adolescence contributes to difficulties obtaining well-paying jobs and other struggles in adulthood (Altschul, Oyserman, & Bybee, 2006;Kimbrough & Salomone, 1993).
There is a dearth of knowledge about variables leading to high academic achievement among Black Americans. Some variables that have been identified as corresponding to improved academic outcomes for Black Americans are positive reports of racial identity and transmission of racial socialization messages (Chavous et al., 2003;Darensburg & Blake, 2014;Dotterer, McHale, & Crouter;2009;Witherspoon, 1997). Recently, greater emphasis has been paid to understanding how characteristics of one's neighborhood can impact Black Americans. Collective socialization or presence of positive neighborhood role models has been identified as a factor contributing to positive gains (e.g., academic success) for Black youth, which is often carried into adulthood (Ainsworth, 2002). Another neighborhood characteristic, a negative perception of confidence in neighborhood police, has been associated with negative outcomes, such as increased violence or lack of neighborhood safety for Black Americans (Kahn & Martin, 2016). However, little research is available regarding perception of these two neighborhood variables and their potential association with the academic achievement of Black Americans. This relationship is important to understand, as previous research by Shin (2011) found that among a sample of African American third graders, those who reported feeling safe and connected in their neighborhoods reported greater confidence in their academic abilities. Since neighborhood police are the primary agents of safety for most communities, it is important to assess how perceptions of neighborhood police shape Black Americans' academic confidence and performance. Furthermore, it is worthwhile to also assess how community personnel outside of the immediate household or family can impact academic performance as well. It is likely that greater emphasis on positive influences would provide insight into factors that lead to more positive outcomes for Black Americans.

What does "Black" mean?
For the purposes of this review, the term "Black" was used to describe individuals who self-identified as racially Black (i.e., individuals of African descent or the Black diaspora within the United States) regardless of their ethnic identification.
This approach incorporates many ethnicities and cultures, embodying a very heterogeneous group. Despite the heterogeneity within this approach, conducting research with this inclusive lens allows for examination of shared experiences of Black individuals in American society.

Black American Academic Achievement
As of 2015, less than 53% of Black Americans aged 25 and older reported having some form of college education. That is the second lowest rate across all racial/ethnic groups in the country (U.S. Census, 2016). The lower academic achievement and the achievement gap between Black and White people in America is well documented (Jeynes, 2015). Some factors contributing to the underperformance of Black students include societal (Banerjee, Meyer, & Rowley, 2016) and low peer and parental academic expectations (Darensbourg & Blake, 2014;Dotterer et al., 2009).
Those studies viewed academic achievement through the lens of a "success model" that relies on mainstream measures of academic success or failure. These indicators are standardized test scores, grade point averages, dropout rates, relative number of students in advanced/ "gifted" courses and admittance into institutions of higher learning or professional degree programs (Howard, 2001;Ladson-Billings, 2006;Wiggan, 2014). However, Carter (2008) reported that this mainstream ideology about achievement requires individuals to take ownership of their successes and failures, but it does not account for structural conditions that might constrain or obstruct students' abilities to achieve their full academic potential. It has become apparent that although American society defines academic achievement in one way, Black students may define achievement in different ways. This disconnect of individual and institutional meanings of achievement can complicate school expectations and expose flaws in interventions aimed at improving academic outcomes for Black students (Wiggan, 2014).
Studies of high achieving Black and African American adolescents and college students have defined academic success as engaging and mastering the learning process and successfully managing complexities of school, family and personal life while making progress toward academic goals, such as receiving college degrees (Carson, 2009;Wiggan, 2014). It appears that being able to effectively juggle multiple competing ecological systems, while maintaining positive attitudes toward education is how many Black students define academic success. Mickelson (1990) found that African American students' beliefs about the personal utility of education (e.g., how useful education was to offering a higher quality of life or the belief that school and formal education is helpful for one's personal success) most strongly predicted their academic performance, highlighting the value of assessing academic utility values over more traditional predictors of educational achievement. In addition, Caldwell and Obasi (2010) found that value of education was positively correlated with GPA and moderated the relationship between motivation to achieve and academic performance.
This finding suggests that even students that are motivated to succeed and have high self-efficacy, if they do not value education, their academic performance will be negatively impacted. Despite these findings about how Black Americans view academic achievement, more research needs to be conducted to inform policies and communities about the differences across racial/ethnic groups regarding the definition of academic achievement. This more informed approach may help shift the negative trends of Black academic performance in a more positive direction.

Neighborhood Factors
Multiple studies have explored the role of neighborhood characteristics on the wellbeing of Black Americans. Findings have illuminated the importance of understanding how community and neighborhoods shape individual outcomes of this population. Byrd and Chavous (2009) indicated that the quality and use of neighborhood social networks, capital and additional neighborhood residential resources play important roles in how Black youth understand their chances for success and developing the skills necessary to obtain that success. However, some neighborhood characteristics act more as risk factors and deter the achievement of Black Americans.
Black adolescents in neighborhoods with more households below the poverty level and increased exposure to community violence reported: a) viewing school as less important for future success and b) lower college aspirations (Butler-Barnes, Chavous, & Zimmerman, 2011;Stewart, Stewart, & Simons, 2007). Also, exposure to direct violence in the neighborhood was found to be highly correlated with increased violence at school which increased fear among Black middle school students and predicted poorer academic performance (Patton, Wooley, & Hong, 2012).
Furthermore, increased violence in the neighborhood has been associated with strong emotional and behavioral responses, such as aggression that detract from a student's abilities to focus on academic responsibilities and lead to negative academic outcomes (Busby, Lambert, & Ialongo, 2013;St. Mary, Calhoun, Tejada, & Jenson, 2018). This is prevalent in urban, lower income neighborhoods where there is an overrepresentation of Black Americans. Other prominent neighborhood risk factors that are associated with lower academic outcomes for Black Americans are increased neighborhood discrimination, lack of prosocial and economic opportunities, higher incidences of crime and illegal behaviors, and lack of structured community activities (Banerjee, Meyer, & Rowley, 2016;St. Mary et al., 2018;Williams & Bryan, 2013;Williams, Davis, Cribbs, Saunders, & Williams, 2002).
Despite the many risk factors associated with neighborhoods, research has also identified some protective factors for the academic success of Black Americans within neighborhoods. Byrd and Chavous (2009) found that increased neighborhood institutional resources, better schools, tutoring opportunities and after-school programing, was related to higher GPAs for Black youth. Additionally, qualitative research conducted with African American young adults who were raised in single parent urban households in the Midwestern United States reported that participants stated that community resources and institutions such as churches, community centers, libraries, youth organizations and local businesses contributed to their academic achievement (Williams & Bryan, 2013). The authors indicated that this positive impact may be driven by several factors: a) constructive activities leading to feelings of safety, b) fostering and creating positive relationships with adults and peers, c) opportunities to develop and explore interests outside of the school context and d) create involvement in systems that did not include gangs and drugs (St. Mary et al., 2018;Williams & Bryan, 2013). These factors are particularly important because they foster opportunity for academic growth and achievement during non-school time, which accounts for almost 80% of students' waking hours (Bowen & Richman, 2002).
Furthermore, it is apparent that these factors may moderate and buffer the negative effects on academic performance for Black Americans that have been associated with living in lower income households and communities with higher rates of crime and violent incidences. Turley (2003) found that Black children who lived in neighborhoods with higher incomes and a high composition of Black people performed better than Black children who lived in high income neighborhoods that are mostly White. This finding speaks to how the interaction of SES and racial composition in neighborhoods can lead to positive academic outcomes. Newton and Onesimo Sandoval (2015) found that African American adolescents who had a favorable perception of the quality of their neighborhood were more likely to value education. These results are similar to findings from Patton, Wooley and Hong (2012), who found that among a sample of 9 th grade African American males, increased parent social and school involvement around the neighborhood buffered the negative effects of community violence and problem behaviors, which indirectly promoted academic achievement. This finding suggested that increased parental presence in the neighborhood and schools may lead to higher self-esteem for youth who are frequently exposed to community violence and this connection increases ability to cope with violence exposure and continue to focus on educational activities.
Though, these findings are promising and can add more to society's understanding about positive achievement in Black American communities, it is imperative to acknowledge that many studies only investigate contextual factors (e.g., college graduates in a specific neighborhood, number of single parent households).
Very few studies have assessed the perception of neighborhood factors from the views of the Black American. These perceptions are important to understand within these various ecological systems because one's perception of their environment and surroundings impacts their behavior more than the physical environment itself (Spencer, Dupree, & Hartmann, 1997).
This study intended to add to the literature about how perceptions of neighborhood characteristics contribute to education utility values of Black American young adults. Although there are many neighborhood variables that impact this group, two of the less studied variables in relation to academic achievement is perception of confidence in neighborhood police and perception of positive collective socialization.
As these variables contribute to the development of many ideals among Black Americans beginning in childhood and carried through adulthood, it is vital to assess how these neighborhood variables impact beliefs about education for this group.
Police perception. A comprehensive systematic review conducted by Peck (2015) found that Black Americans perceived police as more discriminatory against them and they display less confidence in the police when compared to other racial groups. This negative perception can be detrimental because it can lead to Black communities trusting police less, decreasing the likelihood of police contact in crime situations and ultimately leading to increased community risk and unsafety (Kahn & Martin, 2016). This lack of trust and communication can create a dangerous cycle of violence and continue to damage the neighborhood perception of police, since African Americans are more likely to rate satisfaction of police services with their perceptions of the neighborhood, as opposed to objective crime rates in the neighborhood (Huebner, Schafer, & Bynum, 2004 (Ainsworth, 2010;Graham & Anderson, 2008;Tatum, 2004). For Black Americans, in neighborhoods with fewer positive role models, children are less likely to believe that they can maintain their racial authenticity, while being an academic high achiever, given mainstream society's beliefs that Black students who do well in school are "acting White" (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Therefore, Black youth in these neighborhoods are less likely to learn important behaviors and attitudes that lead to success in school, due to lack of exposure and no evidence that those behaviors and attitudes are useful or desirable (Ainsworth, 2002).
Neighborhoods with greater perceptions of positive collective socialization have been associated with numerous positive outcomes among Black Americans. Simons, Simons, Conger & Brody (2004) found that higher perceptions of collective socialization was associated with reduced conduct problems. Similarly, Parker and Maggard (2009) found reduced African American juvenile arrest rates for aggravated assaults in areas where there were more perceived Black role models. Furthermore, studies have found increased health and well-being, and more positive academic behaviors (Ainsworth, 2002;Nicotera, Williams, & Anthony, 2011), among adolescents and in particular young males (Holland, 1996) in areas reporting higher levels of collective socialization. Although collective socialization is associated with positive academic outcomes, it is still unclear how it interacts with individual internal constructs such as racial identity to influence positive academic outcomes for Black Americans.

Identity
In 1993, Helms' defined racial identity as "a sense of group or collective identity based on one's perception that he or she shares a common heritage with a particular group" (as cited by Chavez & Guido-DiBrito, 1999, p. 40). Core aspects of racial identity include: centrality of one's identity, awareness of racism and private regard: how favorable one feels about their racial group and public regard. Racial identity for Black Americans has been associated with various positive outcomes including improved mental health and academic achievement (Ajibade, Hook, Utsey, Davis & Van Tongeren, 2016;Hughes, Kiecolt, Keith & Demo, 2015;Lee & Ahn, 2013). In regards to mental health, Ajibade et al. (2016) found that among African American adults, racial/ethnic identity was positively associated with life satisfaction.
Furthermore, a meta-analysis conducted by Lee and Ahn (2013) reported that Black youth and adults with higher ratings of racial centrality/private regard reported lower levels of psychological distress and public regard was negatively related to both racial discrimination and psychological distress across multiple studies. In addition to decreasing negative symptoms, racial identity among Black Americans was also associated with increasing positive attributes. Hughes et al. (2015) found that African American adults with high ratings of centrality and private regard also reported higher levels of self-esteem and greater self-mastery. Despite the increased risk factors that Black Americans face, racial identity has been found to act as a moderating and coping variable contributing to overall health and well-being.
Black academic achievement and racial identity. Racial identity has also been correlated with increased academic achievement, primarily by increasing one's confidence in academic ability and limiting behaviors associated with poor performance. Chavous et al. (2008) found that higher racial centrality, relying on race as your primary cultural identification for African American adolescents, was associated with increased school performance and positive school importance attitudes. Butler-Barns, Williams and Chavous (2012) found that African American adolescent boys who reported increased private regard also reported higher academic utility values. Additionally, other studies have found that Black high achieving college students reported that sense of collectivism and support from within the Black community are key contributors to their academic success (Carson, 2009;Harper, 2006), highlighting that they are not only succeeding for themselves, but also for their community.
Among a sample of Black adolescents in an urban community setting, private regard was significantly associated with academic self-efficacy (Butler- Barnes et al., 2011). When assessing behaviors, Byrd and Chavous (2009) found that racial importance, a variable similar to racial centrality, was negatively associated with school absences among African American adolescents. Despite the underachievement of Black Americans in society, research has found that a strong positive racial identity has been associated with positive outcomes for Black students.
Neighborhood and racial identity. Neighborhood characteristics and racial identity interact in many ways to impact the lives of Black Americans. Given the multiple systems that this population experiences daily, understanding what variables within the neighborhoods have the strongest interaction with racial identity is vital when trying to maximize positive outcomes for Black Americans. Some studies have found that racial composition of neighborhoods and appraisal of neighborhood safety predicts racial centrality (Bennett, 2006;Stevenson & Arrington, 2009)  important since this population has been found to respond differently than other racial groups in similar physical settings (Turley, 2003). This author explored racial differences regarding the effect of neighborhood income and racial composition on tests scores, reports of self-esteem and behavior for children under the age of 13 who lived in urban settings. Finally, given the importance of a strong positive racial identity reported by high achieving Black Americans, it is worthwhile to pinpoint what promotive factors are enhanced by a positive racial identity, as well as, what risk factors are buffered against.

The Current Study
The current study aimed to measure the moderating effects of racial identity on the relationship between perception of neighborhood police or perception of neighborhood collective socialization on academic utility values. Since this community has had less academic achievement compared to other American racial groups, measuring the effect of these perceived neighborhood factors, as moderated by racial identity, on academic utility values can provide information about variables that can lead to greater success. Furthermore, this study aimed to add to the dearth of literature regarding the perceptions of neighborhood characteristics for Black young adult populations. Also, the study measured how educational attainment status impacted reports of racial identity and perception of neighborhood factors.

Guiding theory. Ecological systems theory suggests that development is
influenced by the experiences, roles and activities within multiple environmental systems (e.g., neighborhood, work, school), as well as, the interactions of these environmental systems (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). Regarding academic achievement for Black Americans, many different ecological variables have been studied independently and in relation to each other (e.g., racial socialization, parental education, or teacher and peer expectations). Many of these variables have been assessed across the individual level, microsystems, mesosystems, exosystems and macrosystems. These environments happen within an individual, their home, their neighborhood and other intersecting aspects of their life.
This study was driven by the phenomenological variant of ecological systems theory (PVEST; Spencer et al., 1997). PVEST suggests that one's perception of the system has a greater influence than the physical system itself (Spencer et al., 1997).
Therefore, subjective evaluations of neighborhood characteristics and racial identity will contribute to development of academic attitudes and behaviors of Black Americans and their resulting academic achievement. It is important to note that there are many ecological variables that impact the academic achievement of Black Americans, but this study focused on the assessment of racial identity, perception of positive collective socialization and perception of neighborhood police, as these variables have not been studied in relation to each other.

Study variables.
There were six variables in this study. There were two independent variables. The first independent variable was: perception of neighborhood police. The second independent variable was perception of neighborhood collective socialization. The three moderating variables were aspects of racial identity: 1) Black centrality, 2) Black private regard, and 3) Black public regard. The sole outcome variable was academic utility values.

Research Hypotheses
Based upon some of the previous literature and logical suppositions, the following hypotheses were tested in the proposed study: 1. Participants who report a more negative perception of neighborhood police will also report lower academic utility values.
2. Participants who report a more positive perception of neighborhood collective socialization will report higher academic utility values.
3. Black centrality and Black private regard will moderate the relationship between perception of neighborhood police and academic utility values.
4. Black centrality, Black private regard and Black public regard will moderate the relationship between perception of collective socialization and academic utility values.
5. Participants identified as completing some college will report more positive perceptions of neighborhood police and more positive perceptions of neighborhood collective socialization.
6. Participants identified as completing some college will report higher ratings of Black centrality, Black private regard, and Black public regard.

Participants
A total of 391 individuals accessed the online survey. After applying study requirements: 1) identifying as Black/ African American and 2) identifying between the ages of 18 and 25 and excluding cases with excessive missing data or incomplete data entry, a total of 298 participants were used in the analysis. An overall summary of participant demographics can be found in  Regarding neighborhood setting, 47.3% of participants reported living in an urban environment (n = 141), 42.6% of participants reported living in an suburban environment (n = 127), and 9.1% of participants reported living in a rural environment (n = 27). The participant frequencies based on neighborhood settings can be found in Table 2. Additionally, 22.5% of participants reported living in a neighborhood with mostly White residents (n = 67), 50.3% of participants reported living in a neighborhood with mostly racial minority residents (n = 150), and 26.2% of participants reported living in a neighborhood with a racial demographic that is fairly equal (n = 78). The participant reports of racial diversity can be found in Table 3.   Williams, & Chavous, 2012;Mickelson, 1990). For this study, the Cronbach's α for this scale was .83, as seen in Table 4.

Preliminary Analyses
An a priori power analysis conducted in G*power 3. After data cleaning, exploratory data analysis and descriptive statistics were assessed to confirm that assumptions of normality, linearity, homoscedasticity and homogeneity of regressions were met. Skewness and kurtosis values for perception of neighborhood police, collective socialization, aspects of racial identity and educational utility were within normal limits satisfying the assumption of normality for these variables. Evaluation of variances and scatterplots allowed for assessment of the assumptions of homoscedasticity and linearity which were also within normal limits.
Assessment of correlations did not indicate multicollinearity between the primary grouping variable, and any dependent variables allowing for the acceptance of the assumption of homogeneity of regressions (Harlow, 2014).
Internal consistencies analyses for the overall sample were conducted to assess the psychometric characteristics of the scales used in the current study. Coefficient alphas for the scales ranged from .64 to .83. Internal consistencies for all scales are displayed in Table 4. Descriptive Statistics for all scales are displayed in Table 5. The four main analyses that were conducted to test the study hypotheses are presented below.

Perceived Neighborhood Factors and Education
To test the hypothesis that a negative perception of neighborhood police will also be associated with lower academic utility values (i.e., a positive correlation), Pearson product-moment correlations among the variables were obtained. It is important to note that research has found that Black Americans tend to have a negative perception of police and this study was most interested in exploring if this negative perception led to detrimental academic outcomes. Contrary to the hypothesis, amongst the sample in this study, perception of neighborhood police was found to have a negative association with academic utility values (r = -.13, p = .03). This finding indicated that participants in this study who had a more negative perception of neighborhood police had a higher report of academic utility values.
To test the hypothesis that a positive perception of neighborhood collective socialization would also be associated with higher academic utility values (i.e., positive correlation), Pearson product-moment correlations among the variables were obtained. In accordance with the hypothesis, perception of collective socialization was found to have a positive association with academic utility values (r = .20, p < .01).
This finding indicated that participants in this study who had a more positive perception of collective socialization had a higher report of academic utility values.
Significant correlations across the overall sample included the relationship between perception of neighborhood police and collective socialization, Black centrality and Black public regard, and perception of collective socialization and Black private regard. Other significant correlations across the overall sample included the relationships between the aspects of racial identity, Black centrality, Black private regard and Black public regard, as well as, the relationship between academic utility values and all other variables assessed in this study. Correlations among the variables for the entire sample are displayed in Table 6. When assessing correlations after separating the sample by neighborhood type (e.g., urban vs. rural), significant correlations differed. For example, perception of neighborhood police was significantly negatively associated with academic utility values for those from rural settings (r = -.41, p =.04), but non-significant for urban (r = -.07, p =.41) and suburban settings (r = -.15, p =.1). Correlations among the variables for urban, suburban and rural settings are provided in Tables 7, 8 and 9, respectively.  Black centrality, Black private regard and Black public regard were added in Step 2 of the hierarchical multiple regression. Results indicated a moderate to large effect on academic utility values (R = .40, R 2 =.157, F (4, 255) = 11.84, p <.01).
Micro-level assessment of this step found small to medium effect sizes for Black private regard (β = 0.28) and Black public regard (β = 0.22), but non-significant results for perception of neighborhood collective socialization and Black centrality.  In the first model, the effect of perceived confidence in neighborhood police in Step 1, followed by the effect of the elements of Black racial identity in Step 2 and the interactive effects of perceived confidence in neighborhood police and each aspect of racial identity in Step 3. The same analysis was conducted in the second model with the independent variable being perceived collective socialization.

Educational Attainment, Neighborhood Factors and Racial Identity
Two separate one-way multivariate analyses of covariance (MANCOVA) models were conducted to investigate the relationship between educational attainment and perception of neighborhood characteristics and educational attainment and racial identity. Participants who had accomplished at least some college and greater were in one group and participants who had completed graduation of high school or less were in another group. In the first MANCOVA, the independent variable was educational attainment, the co-variate was gender and the dependent variables were perception of neighborhood police and perception of neighborhood collective socialization. The MANCOVA did not produce significant results, F (2, 276) = 0.80, Wilks' Lambda = .99, p = .15, partial η 2 = .01. Since the main effect was not significant, follow up tests were not conducted. This result indicates that there was no significant differences between those who attended at least some college and those who had completed high school or less in regards to their perceptions of neighborhood police or neighborhood collective socialization.
In the second MANCOVA, the independent variable was educational attainment, the co-variate was gender and the dependent variables were Black centrality, Black private regard and Black public regard. The MANCOVA did not produce significant results, F (3, 261) = 1.89, Wilks' Lambda = .98, p = .153 partial η 2 = .02. Since the main effect was not significant, follow up tests were not conducted.
This result indicates that there was no significant differences between those who attended at least some college and those who had completed high school or less in regards to their reports of the aspects of racial identity.  (Spencer et al., 1997) was the guiding theory utilized in steering this research. This theory states that the self-appraisal of interacting systems in one's life has a greater influence than the actual systems themselves. Since this study assessed perceptions of neighborhood factors, racial identity and beliefs about education, the participants were evaluating information from many levels of the ecological systems model. Also, given the perception of these variables and non-objective accounts of specific neighborhood characteristics (e.g., number of college graduates in an area), the PVEST framework was sufficiently informative.
Results demonstrated that perception of neighborhood police was significantly negatively correlated with academic utility values, which countered the original study hypothesis. This finding was inconsistent with findings from other studies. Priest and Carter (1999) found that educational attainment was positively associated with positive evaluations of police performance among a sample of African American adults. Also, Mbuba (2010) found that among a sample of college students, minorities mean responses spoke to a strong positive rating of police. However, the current study's findings were aligned with Wu, Sun and Triplett (2009) who found that African Americans in more socially advantaged neighborhoods (e.g., greater educational attainment), had more negative attitudes toward police. The difference in findings between the current study and other studies can be tied in to how the variables were measured. While the current study assessed confidence (belief and confidence that police will do a good job, treat everyone fairly, and not abuse their power) in neighborhood police, other studies assessed trust (beliefs that police will be fair and be just in their policing) in police or satisfaction (how satisfied or pleased they are with the police enforcement) with neighborhood policing. In addition, while this study assessed beliefs about education, other studies drew conclusions only using educational attainment. Also, current national climate regarding police mistreatment and killing of Black Americans was likely to impact results. With the use of social media as a platform to widely publicize these events and the age of the participants in the current sample closely matching the demographic information of many individuals who have died at the hands of the police, there is likely to be an overall negative perception of police by Black Americans across all education levels. Also, of importance to note, when assessing correlation differences among geographical neighborhood types, the negative association between these two variables was strongest when participants identified living in a rural community. These findings signify that community type may have a large impact on confidence in police and education.
Results also demonstrate that perception of neighborhood collective socialization was positively correlated with academic utility values. These results are in accordance with findings from Byrd and Chavous (2009), who found that increased Black positive role models were associated with less academic disruptive behaviors (e.g., school absences). This further provides evidence about the positive association that positive collective socialization has for academic outcomes of Black Americans.
These findings show that collective socialization was associated with enhanced views about the value of education, in addition to a lower likelihood of educational disruptive behaviors, which both were associated with more positive academic outcomes. Furthermore, Taylor et al. (2003) found that African American males who were members of community building organizations (e.g., church) headed by some form of community leader were more likely to rate going to school as leading to better job opportunities than a sample of Black adolescents who identified as gang members.
When assessing different community types, collective socialization was significantly associated in suburban communities but only approached significance in urban and rural communities. Although, sample size for rural communities can impact study results, this finding is also consistent with a study of African American adolescents within a rural setting that found that collective socialization was not significantly associated with academic achievement (Berkel et al., 2009). It is possible that living within a rural setting may minimize the impact of positive role models, given less contact with community leaders or greater emphasis placed on parental monitoring and racial socialization within the household. Future studies should assess the interaction of these variables specifically within the rural community and assess for differences across urban and suburban communities.
Counter to what was hypothesized in the current study, the results demonstrated that Black centrality and Black private regard did not appear to moderate the effect of perceived neighborhood police on academic utility values. It is important to note that when entered into Step 1 of the model, perception of neighborhood police had a significant effect on academic utility values, but this effect disappeared once aspects of racial identity were entered in Steps 2 and 3 of the model.
All three steps of the model were significant, but results were driven by the individual aspects of Black racial identity and not the interaction terms. When viewing perception of neighborhood police as a variable assessing individuals' views on neighborhood safety, these findings differ from previous studies. Butler-Barnes, Chavous and Zimmerman (2011) found that private regard moderated the relationship between community violence and academic importance among a sample of African American adolescents. For the sample within the current study, it is possible that the overall negative perception of neighborhood police hindered the likelihood of a interaction effect. Although these perceptions are consistent with how Black Americans have historically rated police (Peck, 2015), future studies should strive to incorporate results using a wider range of perceptions of police, when assessing moderation effects.
The findings from the current study also demonstrated that Black racial identity did not moderate the relationship of perceived neighborhood collective socialization on academic utility values, also countering the original hypothesis. Of note, collective socialization had a significant impact on academic utility values during Step 1 of the model, but not for Steps 2 and 3. Similarly to the previous regression model, all three steps were significantly associated, but microlevel assessment indicated that the interaction terms were not significant, therefore refuting the moderation. Although contrary to the original hypothesis, these findings are consistent with findings from other studies that found that Black youth who rated high racial importance had a positive association with school utility, while those who rated more positive role models in their community indicated that there were less school disciplinary actions (Byrd & Chavous, 2009). These findings hint at the possibility that aspects of racial identity and collective socialization impact academic outcomes in different ways. While racial identity may have a stronger association with utility beliefs, collective socialization may have a stronger association with reduced academic damaging behaviors. As both of these factors lead to more positive outcomes for Black Americans, these findings still indicate the importance of environments with role models outside of the household, while simultaneously building their private regard.
The current study also found that there were no significant differences between participants who had completed at least some college education in regards to their reports of perceived neighborhood factors. This counters findings from multiple studies. Ensign (2002) interviewed Black and White participants from a mountain community in Virginia and found that Black participants who went on to attain more education cited community relationships as having a great influence on their educational aspirations. Furthermore, Wu (2014) found that Black Americans who were college educated, had reports that were positively associated with perceptions of police bias. However, the current findings are consistent with a study that found that among a sample of Black Americans who were identified as coming from disadvantaged backgrounds, neighborhood characteristics (e.g., wealthier residents, greater percentage of workers in professional or managerial positions) were associated with lower high school dropout rate, but had no effect on college graduation rates at age 25 (Vartanian & Gleason, 1999). The current study also found that there were no significant differences between participants who had completed at least some college education in regards to their reports of aspects of Black racial identity. These results add to the overall mixed findings regarding the relationship between academic outcomes and racial identity. Hurd et al. (2013) found that African American adolescents identified as at-risk academically who reported high private regard were more likely to attain a higher level of education and more positive ratings of academic beliefs than those who reported lower private regard. These findings were non-significant for centrality and public regard. It is possible that participants in the current study may be at odds regarding how education fits into their individual perception of their race. Some participants may view educational attainment as a point of pride for themselves and their race, while others may view obtaining a higher educational attainment as "acting White," therefore minimizing their desire to pursue higher education (Fordham & Ogbu, 1986). Although continuing to result in mixed findings regarding academic outcomes, racial identity continues to be an important variable to be assessed for Black Americans.

Limitations
It is important to note that this study had several limitations. Due to the non- Another limitation of the current study is the nature of the recruitment for this study. These participants were all individuals who had the time and resources to complete an online electronic survey, as the sample participants were selected from a bank compiled by the recruitment company, and targeted to meet the needs of the researchers. These participants' desire to participate in online research resulted in a highly specific sample and may not mirror the general population of Black Americans.
Therefore, future research should strive to seek opportunities to gain a more representative sample of Black Americans, possibly proactively recruiting in person in different community settings such as churches and/or barber shops or beauty salons.
Also, the current study recruited participants between the ages of 18 and 25, therefore naturally limiting the opportunity for educational attainment for many participants. There is a large possibility that many participants will further their educational attainment and given the cross-sectional nature of this study, their perceptions of neighborhood factors will not be accounted for with their changed educational attainment. Furthermore, over 60% of the participants in this study identified as female. Given the well-documented differences regarding academic achievement for Black men and women, this lack of gender balance may have impacted the results. Future studies should aspire to collect more equal gendered samples.
Another limitation of the study can be associated with the choice of measures used, specifically the MIBI in assessment of Black racial identity. Since there are presently different psychometrically sound measures that have been used to assess aspects of racial/ethnic identity, such as the Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure (Phinney, 1992) or the Collective Self-Esteem Scale-Race (Luhtanen & Crocker, 1992), Also, the current study found non-significant results for the overall sample across multiple analyses but significant results when individual community types (e.g., urban, suburban, rural) were evaluated. Future studies should run separate analyses to assess differences between these groupings as this can provide information about perceptions of neighborhood police or collective socialization in different areas.

Future Directions
The present study is among the first to explore perceptions of neighborhood police, collective socialization and their interactive impact with racial identity on academic outcomes for a sample of Black American young adults. Future examinations should strive to incorporate a larger sample of Black Americans with greater equality within geographic neighborhood types and gender identifications.
These samples would strengthen research findings and allow for an assessment of intergroup differences. Also, since this study assessed perceptions of variables, it would be beneficial to incorporate qualitative responses as well. Therefore future studies should consist of mixed methods or qualitative study designs. Qualitative responses would provide insight as to how participants believe variables relate to each other and also provide individual perspectives about the significance of police, role models and racial identity in their academic pursuits.
Since the current study asked participants to rely on retroactive perceptions of neighborhood characteristics, it would be beneficial to assess these variables in a longitudinal design. This would monitor changes in perception of variables and also give more time for participants who did not have the opportunity to attain educational milestones in the current study. Furthermore, future studies should assess for gender differences amongst the sample. It is well documented that Black American males report greater amounts of racial discrimination than females, and it is important to see if their perception of neighborhood police differs as well and impacts academic utility beliefs. Lastly, since the current study did not find racial identity as a moderator of the relationship between perception of these neighborhood factors for this population, investigators should try to identify other variables that function as moderators in order to determine variables that serve important functions in academic success for Black American young adults.

Conclusion
The  The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of perception of specific neighborhood variables in conjunction with racial identity on academic achievement. Findings from this study would lead to improved understanding of how individuals' racial identity may serve as a coping response used to minimize the adverse effects associated with negative perceptions of one's neighborhood. Responses provided by participants will be collected and stored online through an encrypted website. It will then be gathered and stored on a password protected computer.

You must be between 18 and 25 years old to participate in this research project.
If you decide to take part in this study, your participation will involve completing an online survey pertaining to individual beliefs around positive role models in the community, trust in neighborhood police and perceptions regarding the Black race.
The possible risks or discomforts of the study are minimal, although you may feel some discomfort or emotional distress while answering questions relating to trust in neighborhood police. However, if any discomfort should arise, you have the right to immediately withdraw from the survey. You may also contact the investigators with any concerns that arise due to participation in this project.
Although there are no direct benefits of the study, your answers will help increase knowledge about responses to perception of negative neighborhood characteristics and how it may impact academic achievement for Black young adults.
Your participation in this study is anonymous. Your answers are private. No one else will know you participated in this study or find out your specific answers. Scientific reports will be based on group data and will not identify you as participant in this project.
The decision to participate in this research project is up to you. You do not have to participate. If you decide to take part in this study, you may quit at any point or skip any question that you feel uncomfortable answering. You will not be penalized in any way if you do not wish to participate or quit the study before you complete this survey. You are at least 18 years old. You have read the consent form and your questions have been answered to your satisfaction. Your filling out the survey implies your consent to participate in this study.
Thank you for your time and participation.
Please print this consent form for your records. By clicking "NEXT" at the bottom of this screen you are acknowledging that you have read and understand the information above and freely give your consent to participate in this research study. 8. How diverse is your neighborhood? a) More than 50% White b) More than 50% racial minority (e.g., Black/African American, Hispanic/Latino, Asian American) c) Even split (50% White and 50% racial minority) 9. How often do you see law enforcement officials in your neighborhood (e.g., police officers on foot patrol) that were not immediately responding to an incident? a) Once a day b) Once a week c) Once a month d) Less than once a month e) Never