Parental Psychological Control and Emotion Dysregulation Among Anxious Children: A Transactional Model

Existing research and theories have consistently highlighted the role of emotion regulation deficits and parental psychological control in the occurrence of childhood anxiety disorders. The aim of the present study was to continue to examine these relationships using observational methods amongst a clinically anxious sample. Additionally, the present study aimed to identify the direction of effects between parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation by examining whether there is a discernible sequence of parent and child behaviors forming a pattern of interaction between parents and their anxious children. This was completed using microanalytic coding methods to observe parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion in moment-to-moment interactions between parents and their child. Timewindow sequential analyses was used to identify whether parents were more likely to display psychological control in response to child dysregulated affect than at other times and whether children were more likely display dysregulated affect in response to parent psychological control than at other times. In a sample of 123 clinically anxious and 53 non-clinical children, ages 8 to 12 years, results indicated that anxious children were observed to display longer durations of dysregulated affect than non-clinical children, and parents of anxious children were observed to display longer durations of psychological control than parents of non-clinical children. Results from time-window sequential analyses indicated that children were more likely display dysregulated affect in response to parent psychological control than at other times. Anxiety disorder status did not moderate this relationship; however, race was found to moderate the relationship when examining a 4-second time-window. Findings support theories highlighting the role of parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation deficits among children with anxiety disorders and further elucidate the nature of parent-child interactions with respect to parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation.

and adolescents with a lifetime prevalence rate of approximately 15% to 20% (Beesdo, Knappe, & Pine, 2009;Gurley, Cohen, Pine, & Brook, 1996;Kashani, Orvaschel, Rosenberg, & Reid, 1989;Shaffer, Fisher, Dulkan, et al., 1995). Anxiety disorders are common among school-aged children and affect at least one child in every class of 30 (Cartwright-Hatton, McNicol, & Doubleday, 2006). Additionally, the median age of onset for adults with anxiety disorders is 11 years old, which appears to be much earlier than other psychiatric disorders (Kessler et al., 2005). Furthermore, children with anxiety disorders are at an increased risk for developing other psychiatric disorders (Pine, Cohen, Gurley, Brook & Ma, 1998) and impairments in school and social functioning (Albano & Detweiler, 2001;Bell-Dolan & Brazeal, 1993). With such high prevalence rates, early age of onset, and functional impairments caused by anxiety disorders, understanding the mechanisms involved in the maintenance of childhood anxiety is essential for prevention and treatment.
Only few research studies have specifically investigated the relationship between parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation in children and adolescents (i.e., Luebbe, Bump, Fussner, & Rulon, 2014;Luebbe & Bell, 2014;Manzeske & Stright, 2009). Of those studies that have examined this relationship, they have relied on self-report measures that assess behaviors globally or over a specified period of time. These types of measures do not give us insight into how such behaviors are manifested in real-time and reciprocally affect each other in moment-to-moment interactions. Furthermore, no studies have investigated the link between psychological control and emotion dysregulation in a clinically anxious population of children. Due to these gaps in the existing research, it is essential to investigate the relationship between psychological control and emotion dysregulation through observations of moment-to-moment interactions between parents and their anxious children. An examination of such transactions between parents and their children will give us insight into how the sequential nature of parental psychological control and displays of dysregulated affect in children contribute to the severity of anxiety, lend support to current etiological theories of child anxiety, and allow us to further identify potential targets in the treatment of child anxiety disorders.

Anxiety Disorders in Childhood: Conceptualizations and Theoretical Models
Anxiety refers to a mood state marked by increased autonomic reactivity associated with worry, avoidance, and muscular tension. It is associated with memory, appraisal, and attentional thought biases that are characterized by a future-oriented cognitive style emphasizing potential feared events and stimuli (Barlow, 2002;Craske, Rauch, Ursano et al., 2009). Anxiety can be an adaptive emotional state, particularly when an individual is faced with real threats of danger. During such situations, an activation of the body's fight or flight response enables individuals to protect themselves from danger and impending threat. Additionally, appropriate activation of the body that is associated with anxiety can serve as an energizing function, allowing individuals to perform daily tasks and activities at an optimal level (Yerkes Dodson, 1908). Anxiety can also be a normal response to stress in order to enable an individual's body to appropriately respond to environmental demands; however, when anxiety becomes excessive and disabling, it may fall into the category of a diagnosable anxiety disorder. Disorder, Agoraphobia, and Generalized Anxiety Disorder. These anxiety disorders differ based on the situation or object that induce the anxious distress and related behavioral disturbances.

The Cognitive-Behavioral Framework
Cognitive-Behavioral models of childhood anxiety predominate current conceptual understandings of childhood anxiety disorders with cognitive-behavioral frameworks guiding the forefront of leading research and treatments of childhood anxiety disorders. The Cognitive-Behavioral model identifies three inter-related components of anxiety: anxious cognitions, physiological arousal, and anxiety maintaining behaviors (Ollendick & Cerny, 1981). Children with anxiety disorders have anxious thoughts and beliefs about themselves and others, their experiences and environment, and their future. They engage in a number of common cognitive distortions with the principle distortions being the overestimation of threat and an underestimation of their own coping ability (Barrett, Rapee, Dadds, & Ryan, 1996;Bogels & Zigterman, 2000). Children with anxiety disorders engage in a number of information processing biases, such as attention, interpretation, and memory biases.
Behaviorally, children with anxiety disorders engage in a number of common behaviors and actions associated with their experienced anxiety. Anxious children tend to engage in reassurance and information seeking behaviors, excessive checking, avoidance of anxiety provoking stimuli, and excessive worry and rumination. These behaviors are thought to maintain cognitive and physiological components of anxiety disorders since children are unable to fully experience mastery and success over his or her own anxiety (Roblek & Piacentini, 2005).
While definitive pathophysiological mechanisms have not yet been determined, anxiety disorders are associated with an over-reactive fight-or-flight response (Hoehn-Saric & McLeod, 1988). Children with anxiety disorders tend to experience heightened sympathetic nervous system arousal in the face of anxiety provoking stimuli, thus, experiencing symptoms associated with such arousal (e.g., sweating, increased heart rate and blood pressure, rapid breathing, nausea, dizziness, and muscle tenseness, restlessness; Kagan, Reznick & Snidman, 1987). This heightened arousal is often maintained and associated with the aforementioned cognitive and behavioral components of anxiety.
Since the cognitive-behavioral framework identifies anxious thoughts, feelings, and behaviors at the core of anxiety disorders in children, Cognitive-Behavioral treatments target each component in order to reduced anxiety symptomology.
Examples of strategies used in Cognitive-Behavioral Therapy include challenging children's anxious thoughts through behavioral experiments and cognitive restructuring, teaching children to engage in non-avoidance behavior through exposure therapy and skill building exercises (e.g., problem-solving and assertiveness skills), and engaging in physiological and body relaxation strategies (Seligman & Ollendick, 2011).

The Emotion Regulation Framework
Another theoretical framework for understanding anxiety disorders that has been gaining more recent attention is an Emotion Regulation Framework (Mennin, Heimberg, Turk, & Fresco, 2005). Emotion regulation refers to an individual's ability to monitor, evaluate, and adaptively modify one's emotional reactions (Thompson, 1994). Adaptive emotion regulation allows children to appropriately and flexibly respond to their environment (Cole, Michel, & Teti, 1994). Based on research with adults who have anxiety disorders, anxiety disorders are characterized by significant deficits in emotional experience and regulation. Specifically, individuals with anxiety disorders experience 1). heightened intensity of emotion, 2). poorer understanding of emotion, 3). negative cognitive reactivity to emotions, and 4). maladaptive emotion management (Mennin, Heimberg, Turk, & Fresco, 2005;Mennin, McLaughlin, & Flanagan, 2009).
Based on this framework (Mennin, Heimberg, Turk, & Fresco, 2002), individuals with anxiety disorders have difficulties understanding their emotional experience and do not have the skills necessary to modulate their emotions adaptively. Individuals with anxiety disorders experience their emotions aversively and use worry and maladaptive behaviors, such as behavioral avoidance, in order to control, avoid, or dampen emotional experiences. By avoiding attention to emotions and emotional stimuli, individuals with anxiety disorders are able to avoid their experience of intense emotions. However, this avoidance of heightened emotional intensity contributes to a decrease in emotion processing, and therefore, individuals continue to focus on anxiety-provoking stimuli without utilizing emotion information. Because of this overfocus on anxiety-provoking stimuli paired with anxious individuals' inability to understand and process emotional information because of its overwhelming nature, problem-solving becomes inflexible, leading to excessive worry, rumination, and/or behavioral avoidance. Due to these inflexible problem-solving strategies used by anxious individuals, the emotions that were avoided become more intense. This increase in emotions leads to greater attempts to control, avoid, or dampen the emotional experiences, thus continuing this cycle of heightened intensity of emotion, attempts to control, avoid, or dampen the emotional experiences, maladaptive emotion processing, and inflexible and maladaptive emotion management.
Since emotion regulation frameworks identify emotion regulation deficits at the core of anxiety disorders, such treatments focus on helping anxious individuals become more comfortable with intense emotional experiences, adaptively access and utilize emotional information to aide in flexible and adaptive problem-solving, and appropriately modulate emotional experience and expression (Mennin, Heimberg, Turk, & Fresco, 2002).

Emotion Regulation and Childhood Anxiety
While an emotion regulation framework is only in the beginning stages of being applied to the conceptualization and treatment of children with anxiety disorders, multiple studies have suggested that children with anxiety have emotion regulation difficulties (e.g., Carthy, Horesh, Apter, & Gross, 2010;Suveg & Zeman, 2004;Suveg, Zeman, & Stegall, 2001;Zeman, Shipman, & Suveg, 2002;Barrett, Rapee, Dadds, & Ryan, 1996). Southam-Gerow and Kendall (2002) found that children with anxiety disorders have lower levels of emotional understanding than non-anxious controls. In a study of children with diagnosed anxiety disorders, Carthy and colleagues (2010) found that when presented with ambiguous scenarios, relative to a non-clinical control group, anxious children were observed to have greater negative emotional responses, poorer ability to reappraise negative emotional situations, and greater likelihood to use emotion regulation strategies that increase functional impairment, negative emotions, and emotion regulation self-efficacy. In another study using self-report measures by anxious children, Suveg and Zeman (2004) found that children with anxiety disorders had difficulty managing emotional experience. They suggested that this may be due to their self-report of experiencing heightened intensity of emotions and low confidence in their ability to regulated those emotions. Suveg and colleagues (2008) found similar results using observational methods where children and their parents discussed prior anxiety provoking situations. Muris, Meesters, & Rompelberg (2007) found that moving one's attention from one stimulus to another, which is an important component in emotion regulation, is associated with symptoms of anxiety in children.
Based on the aforementioned research on child emotional regulation and anxiety, we can see that children with anxiety have emotion regulation difficulties contributing to displays of dysregulated affect, emotion and behavioral avoidance, and worry.
Consistent with emotion regulation frameworks applied to anxious adults, anxious children also appear to experience a heightened intensity of emotions, poorer understanding of emotions, negative cognitive reactivity to emotions, and maladaptive emotion management. Thompson and Meyer (2007) suggest that parents play a large role in the development of emotion regulation skills in children. Thompson and Meyer (2007) highlight five ways that parents and families influence the development of emotion regulation in children. They suggest that parents 1). directly manage their children's emotion, 2). provide evaluations of their children's emotions, 3). create an emotional climate within the family, 4). help children develop emotion representations, and 5).

Parents and Emotion Regulation in Children
the quality of the parent-child relationship itself can have an influence on the development of emotion regulation in children.
From birth, parents intervene directly to manage their child's emotions. When infants display distress when feeling hungry, fatigued, or uncomfortable, parents attempt to soothe this distress. Gekoski, Rovee-Coller, and Carulli-Rabinowitz (1983) demonstrated that at six months of age, distressed infants can anticipate the arrival of their mothers and begin to quiet when they hear footsteps. Another way that parents directly attempt to manage their children's emotion is through face-to-face play.
Mothers respond animatedly to maintain their infant's positive emotional state by mirroring the child's positive emotional expressions and ignoring their negative expressions. Malatesta, Culver, Tesman, & Shepard (1989) showed that this type of modeling accounted for gradually increased rates of infant happiness and interest in the first year. Other ways that parents directly intervene in managing their children's emotions is by distracting their attention from potentially fearful or distressing situations and by suggesting adaptive ways of responding (Kopp, 1989) as well as by assisting in problem-solving, suggesting alternatives to maladaptive behavior, and helping them express their feelings more constructively (Thompson & Meyer, 2007).
Parents also structure their children's experiences in a way that make emotional demands on children more manageable and predictable. They provide obvious emotional signals through their facial expressions and vocal tone to assist children with developing their own emotions (Klinnert, Campos, Sorce, Emde, & Svejda, 1983). Calkins and Johnson (1998) found that infants who were more distressed during difficult tasks had mothers who interfered more when interacting with their children. In contrast, children who used problem-solving and distraction strategies during the difficult task had mothers who were more supportive and offered suggestions and encouragement. Saarni (1999) added that parents indirectly socialize their child's emotion regulation by providing contingencies for their child's behavior, modeling emotional behavior, and discussing emotional topics. Saarni suggested that through these socialization mechanisms, children learn adaptive ways to experience and express emotions in social contexts.
Parents' evaluations of their children's emotion also play an important role in the development of emotion regulation. Gilliom and colleagues (2002) found that children whose mothers were more positive, warm, and approving were observed to manage their negative emotions more constructively at age three and a half than children of mothers who did not exhibit similar parenting behaviors. Eisenberg, Fabes, and Murphy (1996) found that mothers' problem-solving responses to their children's negative emotions were associated with their children's constructive coping, while mothers' punitive responses were associated with avoidant coping. It has also been suggested that parents who consider emotional expressions as an occasion to validate their child's feelings and to teach them about emotions, expression, and coping are more attentive to their own emotions as well as those of their children. Gottman, Katz, and Hooven (1996) found that children of these types of parents were rated as having better emotion and physiological regulation when compared to children of parents who ignore or dismiss their own and their children's emotions. Ramsden and Hubbard (2002) found that lower levels of child aggression was predicted by mother's acceptance of her child's negative emotions and low amounts of negative emotional expressiveness.
The emotional climate of the family also influences the development of emotion regulation in children. Frequent or severe negative emotion within families can overwhelm children's capacities for emotion management. Eisenberg and colleagues (2001; found that families characterized by moderate to high amounts of positive emotion are associated with adaptive emotion regulation. They suggested that children learn adaptive skills and emotion regulation by modeling appropriate conduct, emotion, and regulation by their families. Accordingly, Davies and Forman (2002) demonstrate the consequences of marital conflict on the development of emotion regulation in children. They found that children who experienced the most intense marital conflict in their family put forth greater efforts to avoid conflict and had more internalizing symptoms than children with less marital conflict within their families.
Conversations between parents and their children also influence the development of emotion regulation. Dunn, Brown, and Beardsall (1991) found that the frequency and complexity of emotion related conversations between mothers and their 3-yearolds predicted the child's emotion understanding at age 6. They concluded that such conversations offer children insight into underlying psychological processes associated with feelings and how they can be evoked. Thompson and Meyer (2007) suggest that parent-child conversations about emotions and emotion regulation give children a conceptual foundation for their own understanding of emotion and its regulation.
The quality of the parent-child relationship has also been shown to have an influence on the development of emotion and its regulation in children. Much of the research in this area has looked at the effects of parent-child attachment on the development of emotion regulation. In general, findings suggest that children who have secure relationships with their mothers become more self-aware, have greater emotion understanding, and are able to be flexible in their use of emotion regulation strategies. Cassidy (1994) and Thompson (1994) suggest that this is because the mothers in these types of attachment relationships are more sensitive and accepting of their child's emotions and are more willing to talk about difficult emotions. In a 2001 study, Kochanska found that children who were insecurely attached exhibited greater fear and anger, and less happiness when compared to children who were securely attached. Gilliom and colleagues (2002) found that one and a half year old boys who were securely attached used more constructive anger-management strategies at age three and a half.
Based on the aforementioned findings, Thompson and Meyer (2007) suggest that critical parental reactions to children's emotions may undermine the development of emotion regulation in children. Additionally, they suggest that sympathetic or constructive reactions by parents in response to their child's emotions confirm that their child's feelings are justified. Similarly, they suggest that critical or punitive responses elicited by their child's affective displays convey messages that invalidate their child's emotions and the appropriateness of his or her feelings or expressions.
These critical responses can arouse further negative emotion in the child, making it even more difficult for the child to learn how to appropriately manage his or her own emotions. Parental psychological control refers to parents' attempts to control their children's thoughts and feelings through speech, affect, or behavior that conveys that the parents' acceptance of their child is contingent upon the child's thoughts, speech, affect, and/or behavior (Barber, 1996;Silk, Morris, Kanaya, & Steinberg, 2003). It is a way that parents attempt to control their children's psychological world by using coercive, and/or passive-aggressive strategies. It consists of parental behaviors that are intrusive or manipulative of children's thoughts, feelings, and attachments to parents. This is in contrast to behavioral control, which includes overt methods to control a child's behavior. Examples of psychological control include invalidation of emotions, guilt induction, intrusiveness, love or acceptance withdrawal, criticism, not being tolerant of child's opinion, input, or disagreement, and fostering dependency (Barber, 1996;Barber & Harmon 2002;Silk, Morris, Kanaya, & Steinberg, 2003). It has been conceptualized as control of the personal domain, strategic manipulation and pressure, conditional regard, coercion, and disrespect of the child (Barber & Xia, 2013).

Parental Psychological Control and Child Anxiety
Research focusing on understanding reasons for using psychological control is limited; however, it has been suggested that parents may not always be aware of the use of such parenting behaviors and may engage in such behaviors in order to build relatedness with their children, foster achievement, or because of parent separation anxiety (Soenens, Vansteenkiste, Duriez, & Goossens, 2006;Soenens, Vansteenkiste, & Luyten, 2010).
Numerous studies have suggested that parental psychological control is associated with childhood anxiety disorders, such that children with higher levels of anxiety tend to have parents who exhibit higher levels of psychological control. The link between parental psychological control and child anxiety has been well established among children and adolescents, in clinical and community samples, and using child-report, parent-report, and observational methods (e.g., Ballash, Pemble, Usui, et al., 2006;Barber, Olson, & Shagle, 1994;Moore, Whaley, & Sigman, 2004;Nanda, Kotchick, Nay, & Tervo, 2003;Woodruff-Borden, Morrow, Bourland, Cambron, 2002). Studies using parent or child report to assess child anxiety and parental psychological control have found significant relationships between the two variables, such that higher levels of reported parental psychological control are related to higher levels of reported child anxiety symptoms. These studies have demonstrated that parents of children reporting higher levels of anxiety tend to be perceived as less supportive, less promoting of independence, and less democratic (e.g., Barber, Olsen, & Shagle, 1994;Loukas, Paulos, & Robinson, 2005;Luebbe & Bell, 2014;Messer & Beidel, 1994;McClure, Brennan, Hammen, & Le Brocque, 2001;McShane & Hastings, 2009;Nanda, Kotchick, & Grover, 2012;Pettit, Laird, Dodge, et al, 2001;Stark, Humphrey, Laurent, et al., 1993).
Observational studies have also found a significant relationship between behaviors consistent with parental psychological control and child anxiety symptoms.
In a clinically anxious sample, Siqueland, Kendall, and Steinberg (1996) found that objective observers rated parents of anxious children as granting less autonomy (i.e., promoting less independence) than a non-anxious control group. In a community sample (Greco & Morris, 2002), fathers of socially anxious children were observed as more controlling than fathers of non-anxious children. When completing a challenging task together, fathers of socially anxious children tended to provide unsolicited assistance that involved interrupting their child and taking over the task. Hudson and Rapee (2001) observed parents of clinically anxious children as more intrusively involved (i.e., provided unsolicited help) during an interactional task than those of non-anxious children. In a community sample, Krohne and Hock (1991) observed that mothers of girls with high anxiety were more intrusive upon their daughter's problemsolving behaviors than mothers of girls with low anxiety. Mothers of anxious daughters were more likely to intervene and control the problem-solving process. Dumas, LaFreniere, and Serketich (1995) observed that mothers of anxious children were more controlling, coercive, unresponsive, and demonstrated more aversive affect toward their children than mothers of aggressive or competent children.
It is possible that the use of parental psychological control plays an important role in the use of (or lack thereof) adaptive emotion regulation strategies among anxious children. Specifically, it may be the use of parental psychological control in direct response to such instances of dysregulated affect among anxious children that is related to maladaptive emotion regulation skills. The continuing use of this parenting strategy in response to child emotion dysregulation, in turn, may undermine further development of adaptive coping and emotion regulation strategies among children with anxiety and could, thus, further contribute to the severity of a child anxiety disorder.

Parental Psychological Control and Emotion Regulation Deficits
Studies have recently begun to examine the relationship between parental psychological control, emotion regulation, and anxiety among children. Luebbe, Bump, Fussner, and Rulon (2014) found that self-reported dysregulation of negative emotions among a community sample of sixth-and seventh-grade students partially mediated the relationship between perceived parental psychological control and anxiety symptoms. In a community sample of seventh-through ninth-grade students, Luebbe and Bell (2014) found that child and parent-reported maternal psychological control and negative emotion expressiveness within the family significantly predicted increased anxiety and depression among adolescents, which was significantly mediated by experienced negative affect. Among a sample of college students and their mothers, Manzeske and Stright (2009) found that maternal psychological control was significantly related to poor emotion regulation among college students. They further found that mother-reported psychological control was a more effective predictor of poorer self-reported emotion regulation among college students than behavioral control. Although anxiety was not specifically measured in this study, results highlight the relationship between psychological control and emotion regulation deficits.
Because of the significant research findings relating parental psychological control, emotion regulation, and child anxiety, it is essential to further examine how this relationship functions within parent-child interactions. It is important to see how parental psychological control is being executed in real-time, parent-child interactions and understand moment-to-moment antecedents and consequences of such parental behavior. Since parental psychological control is a type of parenting behavior that operates in the realm of a child's emotional world, an examination of a child's emotions and ability to regulate them in such real-time interactions may give us insight into how parental psychological control operates and functions among children with anxiety disorders and its relationship to emotion dysregulation. A better understanding of such transactions will lend support to current etiological theories of child anxiety and allow us to identify potential targets for child anxiety treatment. Sameroff and Chandler (1975) proposed a transactional model of development that suggests that developmental outcomes are a product of a continuous, dynamic interplay between child behavior, caregiver's response to that behavior, and environmental variables that may influence both child and caregiver. In other words, parents and children contribute to the development of one another. In the case of child anxiety, it is possible that parental psychological control and dysregulated emotions reciprocally affect one another, such that parental psychological control influences the development of anxiety in the child and symptoms of child anxiety affect the way a parent manages the child. This repeating and continuing pattern of behavior influences the overall development of both the parent and child over time, thus, contributing to the maintenance of child anxiety (Rapee, 2001). This model (also referred to as a bidirectional or reciprocal model) stands in contrast to both parent and child effects models (Branje, Hale, & Meeus., 2008), where parent effects models suggest that parental behavior serves as the antecedent or risk factor to the development of childhood disorders. Conversely, child effects models suggest that child characteristics or behaviors elicit specific parenting behaviors.

Transactional Models
There have been a limited number of studies that directly look at the transactional relationship between parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation among anxious children. However, a few studies have looked at similar constructs. Soenens and colleagues (2008) found that a reciprocal model best fit their data in a sample of college students. Specifically, perceived parental psychological control predicted increases in depressive symptoms over two years and depressive symptoms predicted an increase in perceived parental control over one year. However, this finding was only significant for perceived paternal psychological control and adolescent depressive symptoms. A child effects model was a better fit for ratings of maternal psychological control and adolescent depressive symptoms. In a sample of Chinese adolescents, Shek (2007) found that perceived parental psychological control and adolescent wellbeing were bi-directional in nature. Students in this study completed self-report measures at two time points, separated by one year. Results indicated that perceived parental control at Time 1 predicted adolescent psychological well-being at Time 2 and that adolescent psychological well-being at Time 1 predicted perceived parental psychological control at Time 2. Dumas, LaFreniere, and Serketich (1995) also found that children and mothers influence each other reciprocally. In a laboratory setting, they observed that anxious children and their mothers actively influenced one another such that mothers controlled their children through coercion and unresponsiveness and that children attempted to manage their mothers' behaviors by being resistant and coercive.
Behavioral theory has also been used to explain parent-child behaviors using the ABC model (Skinner, 1938). The ABC model refers to the contingencies of Antecedents, Behaviors, and Consequences, such that one can understand why specific behaviors occur by examining what happened in the environment immediately before and after the occurrence of the behavior. By understanding the context of the behavior, one can understand what might be maintaining the target behavior. Patterson (1982) has applied such behavioral principles to parent-child interactions by describing a process referred to as the Parent-Child Coercive Cycle. This process describes a cycle of parents' attempts to control their child's aggressive or problematic behaviors and their children's response to such attempts; however, through a cycle of escalating negative parenting and child behaviors, ineffective parenting and problematic child behaviors are maintained. Research using behavioral theory, the ABC model, and the Parent-Child Coercive Cycle has predominantly focused on externalizing behaviors in children (e.g., Eddy, Leve, & Fagot, 2001;Fagot, Pears, Capaldi, Crosby, & Leve, 1998;Forgatch & DeGarmo, 1999;Keenan & Shaw, 1995;Morrell & Murray, 2003;Strassberg & Treboux, 2000). However, it is likely that these models are applicable to anxious children and psychologically controlling behaviors by parents.
As one can see, research that has looked at parent-child interactions using a behavioral model has not focused on parental psychological control and tends to examine externalizing behaviors among children. Most of the current research exploring transactional relationships between parents and their children utilize selfreport data within a community sample. This research methodology only provides information about children's perceptions and does not allow us to fully grasp the nature of the relationships or objectively identify the variables investigated.
Additionally, few studies have specifically examined the role of emotional dysregulation or child anxiety; most of the existing studies have looked at internalizing symptoms in general (e.g., depression, child adjustment, etc.). Due to the differences in behaviors between anxious and depressed children, it is likely that anxious and depressed children elicit different parenting behaviors and responses.
Therefore, it may be important to look at such child behaviors independently.
Furthermore, much of the current research investigating the transactions between parental psychological control and child behavior has only examined this in the general population and not in a clinically anxious sample. A clinical sample is essential to understand how parental psychological control may play a role in the phenomenology of child anxiety disorders. Also, all of the previous studies that have attempted to explain such transactional relationships have used macroanalytical approaches or global measures of behavior. Such measures are inadequate at assessing the specific interaction cycle between parents and their anxious child as they only focus on general ratings of behavior over periods of time. In order to identify specific, direct antecedents and consequences of parental psychological control and the role of child dysregulated emotion, it is essential to use microanalytical approaches that allow for observation of moment-to-moment sequences of interactions between parent and child. This will allow us to see how parental psychological control is executed in realtime and enable us to see the sequential relationship between parental psychological control and child emotion dysregulation.

Multicultural Considerations
When examining the interactions between parents and children, it is essential to address multicultural issues that may also be playing a role in the relationship. Gender differences and socialization, race and ethnicity, socioeconomic status, as well as parent marital status are all important diversity issues that have been found to play a role in parenting style or the display of anxious or internalizing symptoms. For example, multiple studies have found that females report greater internalizing issues than males (e.g., Burt, McGue, Krueger, & Iacono, 2005;Leadbetter, Kuperminc, Blatt, & Hertzog, 1999). Keenan and Shaw (1997) speculate that these reporting differences between genders may be an artifact of socialization.
Numerous studies have demonstrated the influence that ethnicity has on parenting and development. For example, Garcia-Coll and colleagues (1996) and Gonzales and Kim (1997) suggest that African American and Hispanic adolescents depend on their parents for support to a larger degree than White adolescents. In a sample of immigrant Chinese and European-American mothers of pre-school children, Chao (1994) found that Asian parents tend to be more controlling and restrictive than parents from European-American cultures. Studies have also found that parental psychological control may serve as a protective factor for African American children rather than contributing to psychological or behavioral problems (Bean, Barber, & Crane, 2006;Mason, Cauce, Gonzales, & Hiraga, 1996). Cultural norms and differences in emotion display rules should also be considered when examining parent-child interactions. Matsumoto (1990) suggested a framework where cultural differences in individualism and collectivism, power distance, and in-and out-groups play a role in the display and perception of emotions. This could be relevant to the display and perception of parental psychological control and/or anxiety and should be considered in research on parenting and child anxiety.
Socioeconomic status (SES) has also been shown to be related to anxiety disorders. Results from Kessler's 1994 study has suggested that lower household income and less education are associated with a greater likelihood of the development of an anxiety disorder as well as a longer course of the disorder. Woodward and Fergusson (2001) found that adolescents with higher rates of anxiety disorders were more likely to come from socially disadvantaged families (i.e., educational underachievement, lower SES, below average living standards). Multiple other studies have also found significant associations between lower SES and elevated anxiety symptoms (e.g., Cronk, Slutske, Madden, et al., 2004;McLaughlin, Breslau, Green, et al., 2011;Merikangas, 2005;Miech, Caaspi, Moffitt et al., 1999). These studies have suggested that stressors associated with economic hardships contribute to increasing unpredictability in day to day functioning and elevated levels of worry about obtaining resources necessary to sustain health, thus increasing risk for developing anxiety symptoms.
Parental marital status also appears to play a role in parent-child relationships.
Family relationship quality tends to be poorer among single-parent or divorced families (e.g., Loeber, Drinkwater, Yin, et al., 2000) and children of single-parent families tend to report more behavioral problems than children of intact families. Due to the significant effects that multicultural issues may have on parenting and its relationship to child anxiety, it is essential to examine these variables as potential moderators and make multicultural considerations when interpreting research results.

The Present Study
As one can see from the review of the literature, most of the extant research and current theories of parental psychological control and child anxiety have conceptualized this relationship as unidirectional, have utilized child-reported indices that only provide information about children's perceptions, and use macroanalytical approaches that fail to identify what specific aspects of anxiety may interact with parental psychological control in moment-to-moment interactions. Since parental psychological control primarily functions in the field of emotions, and since one of the most prominent displays of anxiety is dysregulated negative affect and behavior, the present study postulated that this display of emotion is transactionally related to parental psychologically controlling behaviors among anxious children. It is possible that the contingent use of parental psychological control in response to emotion dysregulation in anxious children may function as an attempt to assist anxious children in managing their emotions (Bogels & Brechman-Toussaint, 2006;Rapee, 2001).
However, this parental strategy is likely to be counterproductive and maladaptive for the anxious child, thus, further contributing to the use of maladaptive emotion regulation skills and greater anxiety severity. This emotion dysregulation may further elicit psychologically controlling parental behaviors, thus, continuing a cycle of parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation among anxious children. It was the aim of the present study to examine the nature of this process in order to inform our understanding of the etiology and maintenance of child anxiety disorders and the development of targeted and effective treatment methods.

Hypotheses
The proposed study aimed to address the following questions: 1. Are there observed differences in displays of dysregulated affect between anxious and non-anxious children?
 Hypothesis 1: Display of dysregulated affect is significantly related to anxiety status, such that children with anxiety disorders are more likely to exhibit emotion dysregulation than children without an anxiety disorder.
2. Are there observed differences in displays of psychological controlling behaviors between parents of anxious and non-anxious children?
 Hypothesis 2: Parental psychological control is significantly related to anxiety status, such that parents of children with anxiety disorders are more likely to exhibit psychologically controlling behaviors than parents of children without an anxiety disorder.
3. To what extent is there a discernible sequence of parent and child behaviors that form a pattern of interaction between parents and their anxious children, with respect to parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion?
a. Are parents more likely to engage in psychological control in response to dysregulated emotion than they are at other times?
b. What happens to the child's dysregulated emotion after an instance of parental psychological control?
 Hypothesis 3: There is a specific sequence of parent and child behaviors that forms a pattern of interaction between parents and their anxious children. This relationship is conditional, such that:  Parents are more likely to engage in psychological control within 4 seconds after a child's display of dysregulated emotion than they are at other times.
 Children's dysregulated emotion changes (i.e., increases or decreases) 4 seconds after an instance of parental psychological control.
4. If a contingent relationship between parental psychological control and dysregulated emotion is discernible, to what extent is this relationship related to anxiety severity?
 Hypothesis 4: The contingency between parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation is positively related to anxiety severity, such that children from families with high contingency between psychological control and dysregulated emotion are more anxious.

5.
To what extent do multicultural factors (i.e., race/ethnicity, gender, socioeconomic status) play a role in the relationship between parental psychological control and dysregulated affect among anxious and non-anxious children?
 Hypothesis 5: Girls will display higher levels of affect dysregulation and will be more likely to have an anxiety disorder than boys.
 Exploratory analyses of a qualitative and descriptive nature will be conducted to examine the relationship between other multicultural factors and parental psychological control and dysregulated affect. and approximately 70% (n = 123) of parents were married and/or living together.
About 33% (n = 58) of families had an approximate household yearly income of greater than $100,000.

Demographics.
A demographics questionnaire was used to assess child's age, race, sex, and parent information (i.e., parent marital status, occupation, education, and income).

Anxiety Diagnoses. The Anxiety Disorders Interview Schedule for Children (ADIS;
Silverman & Albano, 1996) was used to identify the presence of an anxiety disorder among children. The ADIS is a semi-structured interview that yields DSM-IV diagnoses for all anxiety, mood, and externalizing disorders for children ages 7-17 years. Clinician severity ratings (CSR) from a combined child and parent interview about the child's symptoms were obtained, and diagnoses were made by combining parent and child scores using a formula specified by the authors of the instrument.
Ratings ranged from 0 to 8, where 0 indicated no symptoms present for that diagnosis, and 8 indicated symptoms that cause significant impairment and interference across multiple settings. Ratings of 4 and above were considered clinically significant, thus, warranting a diagnosis of the disorder. Symptoms with less severe ratings (i.e., CSR = 3) were considered subclinical. CSRs of 2 and under were considered non-clinical.
Diagnoses and CSR were used to determine group inclusion and exclusion in the present study.
Psychometric properties of the ADIS are well established (Silverman, Saavedra & Pina, 2001). Silverman and colleagues (2001) Table 2). control were also provided in a coding manual (e.g., pressuring the child to agree, asking why something bothers the child in a dismissive tone, eye-rolling). Data regarding the frequency, duration, and exact time-points of such instances of psychological control were obtained for the main analyses of the present study.

Maternal-and
Analyses to establish reliability and validity for the observed psychological control codes were conducted. Inter-rater reliability of the observational code from two coders was established prior to coding by examining Cohen's Kappa coefficient (Cohen, 1960). Twenty percent of the parent-child discussions were randomly selected from both the anxious and control groups. These discussions were double coded by an undergraduate psychology research assistant and the researcher. Results indicated Kappa coefficients in the substantial range (Landis & Koch, 1977): Psychological Control Code= .674 and No Psychological Control Code= .653.
Convergent validity of the observational codes was established by identifying correlations between observed psychological control scores (frequency and duration) and CRPBI scores (child and mother report). All correlations were significant, positive, and in the expected direction (see Table 3). The low to moderate strength of the correlations are consistent with previous studies examining convergent validity between observed and self-report measures (e.g., Chorney, Tan, Martin, et al., 2012;Hadley, Stewart, Hunter, et al., 2013;Conger, Conger, Elder, et al., 1992). This is a reflection of the biases (e.g., social desirability) of the different data collection methods (Hahlweg, K., Kaiser, A., Christensen, A., et al., 2000).

Observed Dysregulated Emotion in Children. Codes for child dysregulated emotion
were developed for the purpose of this study. Observed child dysregulated emotion was derived from observational codes of discrete instances of dysregulated emotion during a video-taped, parent-child discussion task. Using Observer XT 11, frequency counts, time points, and total duration of dysregulated were calculated for each observed parent-child interaction. Operational definitions were developed based on three sources: 1. pre-existing coding schemes that include similar constructs, 2. selfreport questionnaires of similar constructs, and 3. definitions provided in literature.
For the present study, observed dysregulated emotion in children was generally defined as "any display of negative emotion (e.g., anger, anxiety, etc.), either verbal or physical. Dysregulated affect may also appear as any emotional display that suggests feelings of discomfort by the individual. Negative affect can be described as being mild (1), moderate (2), or severe (3). Specific examples of mild, moderate, and severe dysregulation were also provided in the coding manual (e.g., whining, not engaging in the conversation, crying, reassurance seeking). Data regarding the frequency, duration, and exact time-points of such instances of dysregulated emotion were obtained for the main analyses of the present study.
Analyses to establish reliability and validity for the observed dysregulated emotion codes were conducted using the same methods as previously described for observed psychological control. Results of the inter-rater reliability analyses indicated Kappa coefficients in the moderate to substantial range (Landis & Koch, 1977): identifying correlations between observed dysregulated emotion scores (duration and frequency) and CEMS (child report) and ERC (mother report) scores (see Tables 4 and   5). Observed dysregulation was negatively associated with child-reported effective coping of anger, sadness, and worry. The direction of the association between observed dysregulation and child-reported inhibition and dysregulation varied by emotion (i.e., anger, sadness, or worry) and type of observation (i.e., duration vs. frequency). Observed dysregulation was positively associated with mother-reported child lability/negativity and negatively associated with mother-reported child emotion regulation. The low strength and varied directions of the correlations are consistent with previous studies examining convergent validity between observed and self-report measures (e.g., Chorney, Tan, Martin, et al., 2012;Hadley, Stewart, Hunter, et al., 2013;Conger, Conger, Elder, et al., 1992). The inconsistent findings are a reflection of the biases (e.g., social desirability and differences in parent and child perceptions) of the different data collection methods (Hahlweg, K., Kaiser, A., Christensen, A., et al., 2000).

Procedures
The present study utilized data that were collected as part of a larger study examining parent-child interactions among children with anxiety disorders at the

Center/Rhode Island Hospital. Both the University of Rhode Island and Rhode Island
Hospital's Institutional Review Boards approved the data collection and analyses for the present study.
Participants were recruited through PARC (anxious group) as well as from the surrounding community and pediatricians' offices (control group) through advertisements and postings. Parents who expressed interest in participating in the study were mailed a packet of questionnaires and measures to complete prior to their initial study appointment. Questionnaires used in the present study included a demographics form completed by the child's parents, a form asking parents to describe two general family problems involving the child and two child anxiety specific problems as well as measures of parental psychological control and other parenting behaviors, child anxiety, and child emotion regulation, all of which were completed by parents and/or their child.
As part of the larger study, participants took part in procedures over two visits.
During the first visit, consent was obtained from parents and assent was obtained from the child. Also, a combined parent/child ADIS was administered by a trained clinician to both parent and child simultaneously to establish their eligibility for study inclusion and group placement. During the second visit, which occurred within 14 days of the first visit, families completed the videotaped parent-child discussion. The videorecorded, parent-child discussions observed in the present study were modeled after procedures used by Siqueland, Kendall, & Steinberg (1996) and Whaley, Pinto, & Sigman (1999). Prior to the discussion, the research assistant provided instructions for the discussions and gave the parent an index card detailing the topic of the familyproblem conversation. The research assistant then left the room giving the parent and child five minutes to discuss this problem and generate solutions. After exactly five minutes, the research assistant returned to the room, indicating the end of the discussion. This process was repeated once more with a second issue about the child's anxiety. Both discussion topics were completed by anxiety and control participants.
Upon completion of study procedures, participants were debriefed and told of the general purposes of the study. The child was given a small reward for his or her efforts (e.g., toy, markers).
For the present study, participants were grouped into either an Anxiety Group or a Nonclinical Control Group. This was based on the child's diagnosis and Clinical Severity Rating (CSR) as determined by the structured clinician interview with the ADIS that was conducted as part of the larger study. For the present study, children with a primary anxiety diagnosis (i.e., Clinical Severity Rating (CSR) on the ADIS of 4 or higher) were placed in the Anxiety Group; children without any anxiety or other clinical diagnosis (i.e., CSR of 2 or lower) were placed in the Nonclinical Control Group; participants with sub-clinical anxiety (i.e., CSR=3) or whose anxiety diagnosis was secondary to another clinical diagnosis were excluded from the present study.
Two raters coded the video data for this study. A trained, advanced undergraduate psychology research assistant and the researcher observed each videorecorded parent-child discussion at least twice, with at least one viewing focused on coding parental psychological control and at least one other viewing focused on coding child dysregulation emotion. Coding as well as calculations of frequency, time points, and duration for psychological control and dysregulated emotion for each discussion was completed using Noldus Observer XT 11. Frequencies of behavioral contingencies between parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion for each individual observation and for the overall sample (i.e., the number of times dysregulated emotion occurred within a specified time-window given the presence of parental psychological control and vice versa) were also calculated using Noldus Observer XT 11.

Analyses Conducted
Tests of normality indicated that the duration and frequency of psychological control and the frequency of dysregulated emotion was positively skewed and the duration of dysregulated emotion was negatively skewed; therefore, non-parametric analyses were conducted accordingly. Variables were mean-centered to reduce effects of multicollinearity (Aiken & West, 1991).

Time-Window Sequential Analyses.
Time-window sequential analyses (see Chorney, Garcia, Berlin, et al., 2010) were conducted to examine whether the presence of parental psychological control increased the probability that child dysregulated emotion would occur within a 15-second time-window (and vice versa). Observations of videos and preliminary analyses of contingencies indicated that a 15-second time window was too long in duration to identify significant contingencies; therefore, 4and 1-second time-windows were also explored (see Table 6 for illustration of timewindows).
To identify whether contingencies between parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion were significant, Yule's Qs were calculated. Yule's Q is a statistic that provides a strength-of-association measure, ranging from -1 to +1 (McComas, Moore, Dahl, et al., 2009), where 0.2, 0.43, and 0.6 are considered small, moderate, and large associations, respectively (Rosenthal, 1996). Yule's Q is a transformed odds ratio that controls for overall base-rates and the probability of target events (Yoder & Fuerer, 2000). In other words, because Yule's Q does not incorporate marginal totals in its calculation, it is able to provide a viable index of sequential association for infrequent and unequal behaviors and targets. The formula for Yule's Q is (AD-BC)/(AD+BC). To identify whether the presence of parental psychological control increased the probability that child dysregulated emotion would occur within individual Yule's Q across participants (Deeks & Higgins, 2010;Pagano & Gauvreau, 2000). Yule's Q for individual observations were then coded into two groups such that parent-child dyads with Yule's Qs ranging from -0.42 to +0.42 (i.e., weak associations) were placed into the low contingency group and parent-child dyads with Yule's Qs ranging from -1 to -0.43 and +0.43 to +1 (i.e., moderate and strong associations) were placed into the high contingency group. T-tests were then conducted to identify whether children from families with high contingencies between psychological control and dysregulated emotion were more anxious. Results for the overall sample are displayed in Tables 8, 9, and 10, respectively, and are detailed by discussion type. Summary statistics for the contingencies across individual observations for 4-and 1-second time-windows are displayed in Tables 11   and 12,  Age. Spearman's correlations indicated a significant, negative relationship between age and the frequency of dysregulated emotion across both discussion (r=-.162, p=.032), such that younger children exhibited dysregulation more frequently.

Discussion Type. Related-Samples Wilcoxon Signed Rank tests indicated that
children were observed to be dysregulated for a significantly longer amount of time during the anxiety discussion topic than the family discussion topic (p=.000).
Additionally, children were observed to become dysregulated a significantly greater number of times during the anxiety discussion topic than the family discussion topic (p=.002). Results also indicated a significant difference between the two discussion types regarding the strength of the contingency that children were likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-seconds of the onset of parental psychological control (p=.020). Children were more likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-seconds of the onset of parental psychological control during the family discussion than during the anxiety discussion. Due to these differences in observed dysregulation and behavioral contingencies, data for each discussion type will be presented separately.

Primary Analyses
Anxiety Diagnostic Status. Independent-Samples Mann-Whitney U Tests indicated that anxious children were observed to display significantly longer durations (p=.041) of dysregulated emotion during the family discussion than non-clinical control children. Parents of anxious children were observed to display significantly longer durations (p=.001) and more frequent instances (p=.008) of psychological control than parents of non-clinical children over both discussions. Means and standard deviations can be seen in Table 13. Due to the significant relationship between age and the frequency of dysregulated emotion, age was controlled for when testing the  Tables 14 and 15.

Relationships among Observed Parent & Child Behaviors and Anxiety Severity.
Spearman's correlations indicated significant, positive correlations between the frequency of psychological control and the frequency (r=.515, p<.01) and duration (r=.220, p<.01) of dysregulated emotion as well as the correlation between duration of psychological control and the frequency (r=.401, p<.01) and duration (r=.316, p<.01) of dysregulated emotion. Correlations between parent and child behaviors by discussion type can be seen in Table 16.
Spearman correlations also indicated a significant, positive correlation between total anxiety scores and the total duration of psychological control (r= .184, p=.021) and the duration of psychological control during the family discussion (r = .161,

p=.094).
A series of multiple regression analyses indicated that the duration of parental psychological control across both discussion types, while controlling for the effects of parent marital status, significantly predicted the duration of child dysregulated

Sequential Relationship between Psychological Control and Dysregulated
Emotion. The contingency that children were more likely to display dysregulated emotion within a 15-second time-window (see Table 8) of an occurrence of parental psychological control than at other times was small (Yule's Q= .17); however, when examining this contingency within a 4-and 1-second time-window (see Table 9 & 10, respectively), the contingency was moderate in strength for both time-windows (Yule's Q= .44 & .48, respectively). The reciprocal contingency that parents are more likely to engage in psychological control within a 15-or 4-, or 1-second time-window of an occurrence of child dysregulated emotion than at other times was small (Yule's Q=-.10, .02, .37, respectively).

Moderating Effects.
Demographic variables and anxiety diagnostic status were also explored to identify potential interactions. Results from an ANOVA indicated that there was a significant interaction between race and anxiety diagnostic status on the strength of the contingency that children will display dysregulated emotion within 4seconds of parental psychological control (F (3,159) =5.64, p=.001) across both discussion types. Figure 3 displays the strength and direction of the interaction between race and anxiety diagnostic status on the contingency that children will display dysregulated emotions within 4-seconds of parental psychological control. The strength of this contingency was stronger and more positive among families with anxious children than non-clinical children for Asian families (see Table 17). The strength of this contingency was about equal across the anxious and non-clinical groups for White families and those identifying as "other" racial category. The strength of this contingency was stronger, but became more negative among families with anxious children than non-clinical children for Black families. Additionally, mean differences in contingency scores between the anxiety and non-clinical group were larger for Asian and Black families compared to families from White and "other" racial backgrounds. In other words, anxious children identifying as Asian were more likely to display dysregulated affect within 4-seconds of parents displaying psychological control than at other times; this contingency did not exist for the nonclinical group. In Black families, anxious children were less likely to display dysregulated affect within 4-seconds of parents displaying psychological control than at other times; this contingency did not exist for the non-clinical group. The behavioral contingencies and differences between the anxious and non-clinical group were smaller for children identifying as White or "other" racial category. Results from ANOVAs indicated that there was no significant interaction between anxiety diagnostic status and the other demographic variables (i.e., parent marital status, household income, race, ethnicity, and gender; see Tables 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, respectively) on the strength and direction of the parent-child behavioral contingencies.

Relationship between Behavioral Contingencies and Anxiety Severity. T-tests did
not reveal significant relationships between the contingencies of parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion and anxiety scores (see Table 23 for statistics).

CONCLUSION
The present study aimed to further understand the relationship between parental psychological control and dysregulated emotion in a sample of anxious and non-clinical children. Specifically, it aimed to extend existing research by identifying whether parents of anxious children display more psychologically controlling behaviors than parents of non-clinical children and whether children with anxiety disorders display higher levels of emotion dysregulation than children without a diagnosed psychiatric disorder. Uniquely, the present study aimed to identify whether there is a contingency between parental psychological control and emotion dysregulation in children, such that parents are more likely to display psychological control in direct response to child emotion dysregulation than at other times and vice versa. The present study further aimed to identify whether these behavioral contingencies are related to anxiety symptom severity. Multicultural factors in the aforementioned relationships were also explored.
As hypothesized, anxious children displayed significantly longer durations of dysregulation than the non-clinical group of children. Parents of anxious children displayed significantly longer durations of psychological control than parents of nonclinical children. These findings are consistent with the extant literature that utilized both self-report and observational methods (e.g., Ballash, Pemble, Usui, et al., 2006;Barber, Olson, & Shagle, 1994;Moore, Whale, & Sigman, 2004;Nanda, Kotchick, & Grover, 2012;Silk, Morris, Kanay, & Steinberg, 2003;Turner, Beidel, Roberson-Nay, & Tervo, 2003;Woodruff-Borden, Morrow, Bourland, & Cambron, 2002). These findings lend further support to etiological theories of anxiety disorders that highlight the role of parenting behaviors, specifically psychological control, in the presentation of child anxiety disorders. Furthermore, these findings support existing theories that suggest that emotion regulation deficits play a central role in the occurrence of child anxiety disorders (e.g., Barrett, Rapee, Dadds, & Ryan, 1996, Carthy, Horesh, Apter, & Gross, 2010Suveg & Zeman, 2004;Suveg, Zeman, & Stegall, 2001;Zeman, Shipman, & Suveg, 2002) However, when examining the frequencies of parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotions between the anxious and non-clinical group, these relationships appeared to be moderated by household income, such that the aforementioned results were reversed for one class of families. Parents and children in the non-clinical group with household incomes from $80,000 to $99,999 displayed more frequent instances of psychological control and dysregulated emotion, respectively, than parents and children from households with the same income in the anxiety disorder group.
No research to date has examined interactions between household income and anxiety diagnostic status on parental psychological control or emotion dysregulation.
It is possible that due to financial resources, anxious children from households with $80,000 to $99,999 are more apt to seek psychoeducation about anxiety disorders or may have more regular conversations about anxiety and/or family problems, thus, contributing to lower levels of dysregulation and psychological control than their non-clinical counterparts. Vice versa, parents of non-clinical children in this group may be less likely to use emotion-related language or have regular conversations about anxiety and/or family problems, thus, making the discussion task a novel situation contributing to higher levels of dysregulation compared to their anxious counterparts.
It is also possible that non-clinical children and their parents with household incomes from $80,000 to $99,999 were more susceptible to influences of observer or social Results also found that for families with household incomes less than $40,000, the differences between the anxious and non-clinical groups were greater compared to families with household incomes ranging from $40,000 to $79,999. This was the case when examining the frequency of psychological control between the anxious and non-clinical group as well as the frequency of dysregulated emotion between the anxious and non-clinical group.
The larger difference between the anxiety and non-clinical group for families from household with incomes less than $40,000 when compared to families with household incomes ranging from $40,000 to $79,999 with regards to the frequencies of both psychological control and dysregulated emotion could be attributed to the possibility that the discussion tasks did not produce as much stress for non-clinical, lower-income children when compared to economic stressors experienced in their daily lives. Additionally, this finding is consistent with research that suggests anxious children from households with lower SES display more severe anxiety symptomology (e.g., Cronk, Slutske, Madden, et al., 2004;McLaughlin, Breslau, Green, et al., 2011;Merikangas, 2005;Miech, Caaspi, Moffitt et al., 1999). It is possible that anxious children from this group experienced more intense emotional reactivity in response to the observed discussion tasks. Parents of anxious children from households with lower incomes may also be more susceptible to influences of observer effects, thus, contributing to elevated frequencies of psychological control during the video-taped discussions.
These household income differences identified in the frequency (but not duration) of observed scores could be attributed to differences in the amount of time spent per instance of psychological control or dysregulated emotion, frequent changes in parent or child behaviors, or insufficient power to identify significant interactions when examining the duration of the observed scores. Future research is necessary to further understand the interaction between the presence of an anxiety disorders and household income on psychological control and dysregulated emotion.
Results partially supported the hypothesis that parents are more likely to display psychological control in direct response to child emotion dysregulation than at other times and vice versa. While both of these contingencies were small when examining a 15-second time-window, moderate contingencies existed in one direction when examining 4-and 1-second time-windows. More specifically, children were more likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-and 1-second after parents displayed an instance of psychological control. The reverse contingency was small for both 4-and 1-second time-windows. However, multiple regression analyses indicated that both psychological control and dysregulated emotion were significant predictors of each other. It is possible that even though dysregulated emotion was found to be a significant predictor of psychological control, it is not observable in moment-tomoment interactions, such that parents do not directly respond to instances of dysregulated emotion with psychological control. It is possible that dysregulated emotion may predict psychological control over longer periods of time. Longitudinal methods would help uncover the direction of this relationship. These findings are consistent with research and theories suggesting reciprocal relationships between parent and child behaviors (Sameroff & Chandler, 1975;Rapee, 2001); however, with regards to parental psychological control and dysregulated emotion, it seems that the reciprocal relationships may differ in temporal nature. Notably, moderate contingencies were not found during smaller time-windows. This highlights the immediacy of children's dysregulated responses to parental psychological control.
The contingency that children were more likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-seconds than at other times was found to be moderated by race. For all racial groups the contingency was close to zero for the non-clinical group.
However, for the anxiety group, the contingencies differed for each racial category, where the contingencies were positive and moderate for Asian families, negative and moderate for African-American families, and positive and small for White families and those identifying as "other" racial categories. In other words, the strength of the contingency that Asian children with an anxiety disorder were more likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-seconds than at other times was moderate. The strength of the contingency that African-American children were less likely to display dysregulated emotion within 4-seconds than at other times was moderate. There was little to no contingency between parental psychological control and dysregulated emotion within a 4-second time-window for White and "other" families.
These significant interactions may be explained by cultural factors discussed in the existing literature. Since psychological control can serve as a protective factor for African-American children (Bean, Barber, & Crane, 2006;Mason, Cauce, Gonzales, & Hiraga, 1996), it is possible that psychological control may help anxious, African-American children regulate their emotions within 4-seconds of its onset. Existing research has demonstrated that Asian parents tend to be more controlling and restrictive than parents from European-American cultures (Chao, 1994, Chao & Aque, 2009) due to their collectivistic culture (Matsumoto, 1990;Wang, Pomerantz, Chen, 2007). It is possible that the more frequent and consistent use of psychological control by Asian parents may contribute to stronger, positive contingencies, whereas, anxious, Asian children become more dysregulated in response to psychological control. It is unclear why race only moderated the contingencies when examining a 4-second time window and not a 1-second time window. There may not have been enough occurrences by race to detect a relationship. Further exploration is warranted.
Results did not support the hypothesis that the contingent relationships between parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion would be related to anxiety symptom severity. This suggests that the greater likelihood that children display dysregulated emotion in direct response to parental psychological control than at other times (and vice versa) and the severity of their self-reported anxiety are unrelated. It is likely that it is child dysregulation and parental psychological control in general and not specifically their contingent relationship that are related to anxiety severity.
The hypotheses that girls would display higher levels of emotion dysregulation and would be more likely to have an anxiety disorder than boys were not supported.
The findings of the present study are inconsistent with the literature suggesting that internalizing disorders, specifically anxiety disorders, are more prevalent among females (e.g., Burt, McGue, Krueger, & Iacono, 2005;Leadbetter, Kuperminc, Blatt, Hertzog, 1999). It is possible that significant gender differences in levels of emotion dysregulation were not found due to the observational methods used and the parentchild context. Deaux and Major's (1987) gender-in-context theory suggests that gender differences arise during situations in which gender roles and expectancies are salient. During the discussion task used in the present study, gender expectancies were not salient. Additionally, Chaplin and Aldao (2013) suggest that gender differences are minimized in the presence of parents because children feel that the expectation to express their emotions according to societal guidelines is lower than when with strangers (Chaplin & Aldao, 2013). It is also possible that the observational methods used for the present study minimized these gender effects.
Another possibility is that gender differences were not identified between the anxious group and the non-clinical group due to the range of anxiety diagnoses in the present study's sample. For example, a literature review of gender differences in obsessive-compulsive disorder suggests that males are more likely than females to present an earlier onset of symptoms (de Mathis, Alvarenga, Funaro, et al., 2011). In contrast, Merikangas, He, Burstein, et al. (2010) found that among panic disorder, agoraphobia, social phobia, specific phobia, generalized anxiety disorder, posttraumatic stress disorder, and separation anxiety disorder, rates were more prevalent among females. It is possible that the inclusion of a broad range of anxiety disorders may have eliminated gender effects.
Exploratory analyses indicated significant relationships between demographic variables and parental psychological control and child dysregulated emotion. Parents of children who were Hispanic were observed to display longer durations of psychological control than parents of children who were not Hispanic. This is consistent with literature that suggests that Hispanic parents emphasize the control of emotions (e.g., Durrett, O'Bryant, & Pennebaker, 1975;Julian, McKenry & McKelvey, 1994). Qualitative research (Valdes, 1996) explains that Hispanic parents frequently engage in "consejos," which refer to lectures intended to shape children's attitudes and behaviors. Existing research suggests that Hispanic parents' use of such psychologically controlling behaviors are motivated by child-center goals versus parental stress, such as promoting academic success (Grusec & Goodnow, 1994;Hastings & Grusec, 1998;Halgunseth, Ispa & Rudy, 2006;Lopez, 2001). Further research to explore the role of Hispanic culture in the relationships between psychological control, dysregulated emotion, and anxiety is warranted.
Children of parents who were married or living together displayed longer durations of dysregulation than those with a deceased parent; however, further analysis suggested that a significant larger percentage of non-clinical children had a parent who was deceased than children with an anxiety disorder. In other words, all of the children who had a parent who was deceased were in the non-clinical group.
Additionally, the sample of children who had a deceased parent was very small.
Further research is needed to understand whether these findings are a result of a sampling bias or whether children with a deceased parent are able to more effectively regulate their emotions than children whose parents are married or living together.

Limitations of the Present Study
Limitations of the present study should be noted. The nature of the video-recorded discussion task used during the present study may also limit the generalizability of results. It is possible that parents and children interacted differently than usual during the discussion task due to the novel nature of the task and the inherent differences in the discussion task compared to daily interactions between parents and their children. Additionally, the presence of videorecording equipment throughout the discussion could have affected present anxiety and stress levels for the parents and children in the anxiety and non-clinical group differently thus affecting observed parent and child scores.

Implications of Study Findings
There are significant theoretical and clinical implications for the present findings. Significantly longer durations of observed dysregulated emotion and psychological control in the clinically anxious group compared to the non-clinical group support existing theories that highlight emotion regulation deficits in anxious children and psychologically controlling behaviors in their parents. These results are consistent with an emotion regulation framework for anxiety disorders that suggest that anxious adults utilize maladaptive emotion management strategies (Mennin, Heimberg, Turk, & Fresco, 2005;Mennin, McLaughlin, & Flannigan, 2009). Future research is needed to further apply this framework to children and to advance our understanding of the role of other emotion-related factors, such as heightened intensity of emotions, poorer understanding of emotions, and negative cognitive reactivity to emotions in child anxiety disorders.
These findings also support research that highlights psychological control as a specific parenting behavior that is related to emotion regulation deficits. The present findings suggest that parental psychological control immediately triggers dysregulated emotion in anxious children during moment-to-moment interactions. While underlying mechanisms of this relationship are unclear, Barber and Xia (2013) suggest that conceptualizing psychological control as parental intrusions of the personal domain that infringe on the autonomy of children (including their ability to independently understand and manage emotions) may help us further understand how psychological control is directly related to emotion dysregulation. This conceptualization may also help explain cultural differences that were observed, where similar parent behaviors may not be perceived as personal intrusions, thus, affecting the nature of the relationship between psychological control and emotion dysregulation.
Interestingly, dysregulated emotion in children did not immediately trigger parental psychological control during observed moment-to-moment interactions.
However, linear analyses did find that dysregulated emotion was a significant predictor of psychological control. It is possible that rather than triggering psychological control in the moment, dysregulated emotion may predict psychological These results further highlight the necessity to target these parent and child behaviors in the treatment of anxious children, specifically in the context of momentto-moment interactions. Firstly, it may be beneficial for treatments for child anxiety to broadly target emotion dysregulation by helping anxious children build more adaptive emotion identification, understanding, and specific, adaptive regulation strategies rather than exclusively focusing on these skills in the context of anxiety. Teaching anxious children to identify, understand, and regulate emotions in general may be beneficial in helping them utilize adaptive emotion regulation strategies when anxiety is elevated. Secondly, teaching parents alternative behaviors to psychological control, i.e., behaviors that foster autonomy and independence, such as emotion validation, respect for child's opinions, and unconditional acceptance may help reduce emotion dysregulation in children. Finally, helping parents and children identify and practice effective interaction patterns may help reduce overall levels of dysregulation in children by mitigating the effects of parental psychological control. Future research is needed to identify the utility of implementing these strategies in a treatment setting. It is imperative to also consider cultural implications. Understanding the role of culture in the treatment setting is necessary to develop culturally-informed, evidence-based treatments for children.

Directions for Future Research
Based on the findings, limitations, and implications of the present study, it is essential for future research to continue to examine the relationships between parental psychological control, emotion regulation, and child anxiety disorders. Continued examination of moment-to-moment interactions between parents and their children is necessary, particularly within a culturally diverse sample. Longitudinal research is needed to enhance our understanding of the reciprocal relationship between child dysregulation and parental psychological control. A more thorough understanding of the roles of other child variables such as temperament, specific cognitions, and specific emotion regulation strategies used by anxious children as well as other parent variables may lend support to an emotion regulation framework for children with anxiety disorders. This will also help us better understand moderators and mechanisms of the relationship between parental psychological control and child dysregulation among anxious children.
Research focusing on the treatment of child anxiety disorders should begin to develop therapies that effectively target psychological control, parent-child interactions, or specific emotion regulation strategies and test whether focusing on such targets in treatment effectively reduces child dysregulation and/or anxiety levels.

Summary
In summary, the present study found that anxious children are observed to display higher levels of dysregulated emotion, and their parents are observed to display higher levels of psychological control than non-clinical children and their parents. Furthermore, psychological control and dysregulated emotion were found to be significant predictors of each other. When examining this relationship in real-time, moment-to-moment interactions, it appears that children are more likely to respond to psychological control with dysregulated affect than at other times. The reverse contingency was not true. This suggests that psychological control immediately triggers dyregulation among children. These findings support existing theories and research that highlight the roles of emotion regulation deficits and parental psychological control among child anxiety disorders and further our understanding of these factors roles within parent-child interactions. Racial, ethnic, socioeconomic status, and parent marital status differences in the displays of psychological control, dysregulated emotion, and their contingencies were also found. Further research is needed to continue to examine these relationships and to develop treatments that can effectively target such behaviors among anxious children and their parents. Note. There were no statistically significant differences between females and males on any participant characteristics ( p<.05)            .09 (.33) .03 (.32) 1. Psychological Control (PC) followed by Dysregulation (DE), 2. PC followed by No Dysregulation (NoDE), 3. No Psychological Control (NoPC) followed by DE, 4. NoDE followed by NoPC, 5. DE followed by PC, 6. DE followed by NoPC, 7. NoDE followed by PC, 8. NoDE followed by NoPC