Examining Trends in Adolescents' Future Orientation Across 33 Years

The purpose of this study was to examine the future orientation of adolescents from 1977 to 2010. This study looked at the trends over the 33-year period in: (1) the amount of worry high school seniors have about national problems; (2) the value they place on planning for the future; and (3) their material aspirations for the future. Drawing from the life course theory that social and historical contexts influence the decisions and roles that individuals undertake, it was hypothesized that the future orientation of high school seniors would vary with the socio-historical influences such as global and/or national events taking place during that point in time. The study used a subsample (n = 96,165) of the total nationwide sample of high school seniors from 1977 to 2010 from the annual Monitoring the Future (MtF) study administered by the University of Michigan and sponsored by the National Institute on Drug Abuse. It was hypothesized that: (1) the lower the level of worry adolescents have toward their social contexts in the future, the more confidence they have on planning for the future, and (2) the lower the level of worry adolescents have toward their social contexts in the future, the more material aspirations they desire for the future. The study found that while there were variations in the level of worry high school seniors had from 1977 to 2010 that corresponded to significant national events, there was relatively little variation in the value these adolescents place on planning as well as the material aspirations they hold. The correlations among the three measures

what is likely to happen and have our personal beliefs and goals for the future. We employ efforts toward achieving our goals (Nurmi, 2005). The salience of adolescents' future goals, and the importance of translating these goals into positive behaviors that optimize the developmental trajectory of youth toward productive adulthood, justifies investigation into the developmental processes through which adolescents' expectations for their futures are realized (Schmid, Phelps & Lerner, 2011).
Sociologists Alwin and McCammon (2003) emphasized the significance of cohort and generational studies with the argument that "how people think about the social world around them may depend as much on what was happening in the world at the time they were growing up as it does on what is happening in the present" (p. 23).
Wray-Lake, Flanagan and Osgood (2010) also argued that changes in adolescents' attitudes are important markers and act as barometers of long-term social change. This is because adolescents are particularly impressionable as they are open to social forces and socialization influences. The values and worldviews that young people form during this time are likely to inform their behaviors and attitudes throughout life.
Drawing from this theoretical reasoning, trends in how young people think and feel about the future are not only key indicators of historical shifts in the U.S., but can also be glimpses into what could be likely to happen in the future. From a macro perspective, American society has undergone significant changes during the past decades. For instance, adolescents in the United States now have a longer period of required education and training compared to a few decades ago. There are also fewer job opportunities for those without a high school education and an increasing demand for more advanced interpersonal and technical skills in the work place (Newman & Newman, 2012). There are few studies, however, that look at the impact of sociohistorical changes on adolescents' thoughts and feelings about the future across time.
A few studies point to generational differences in aspects of adolescent development. Wray-Lake, Flanagan and Osgood (2010) were concerned with environmental stewardship and argued that changes in adolescents' attitudes are important markers of long-term social change. They looked at adolescents' concerns for the environment from 1976 to 2005, and found that the cohorts of the early 1990s were most concerned; more recent cohorts grew less concerned. It is interesting to note that across all years, the results show that adolescents assign responsibility for the environment to the government and consumers rather than take personal responsibility on their own part.
In a separate study, Wray-Lake, Syvertsen, Briddell, Osgood, and Flanagan (2011)  Goals related to intrinsic values such as community, affiliation and self-acceptance were less important. Civic orientation, helping the environment, and concern for others declined even though community service rose over the same period. The authors posited that the results support the "Generation Me" view of generational differences compared to the "Generation We" mentality of earlier cohorts.
Using a life course perspective, the question of whether societal changes have had a role in shaping the future orientation of younger generations was explored in this study. Have there been shifts in adolescents' thoughts and feelings about their future, specifically with respect to national stability, their plans for the future, and their aspirations to attain material well-being? Do young people in recent cohorts differ

REVIEW OF LITERATURE
This study examined the trends in youth's future orientation over 33 years, and sought to place youth's future aspirations in the context of life course theory. In this literature review, the period of adolescence will first be discussed to provide the social and developmental context of the subjects of interest in this study. Following that, the key tenets of the life course theory and the theory of future orientation will be discussed, as they provide the theoretical underpinnings of this study. Life course theory explains the influence of socio-historical contexts and their timing in an individual's life, while the theory of future orientation provides insights on the processes and influences on people's thoughts and actions for the future.

Adolescence
According to Newman and Newman (2012), the stage of development between 18 through 24 years of age is distinct and separate from early adolescence and early adulthood. Young people in developed societies have advanced cognitive reasoning skills, intensive personal identity exploration, a feeling of being in between childhood and adulthood, and a preoccupation with future possibilities. Later adolescence is also a time of fewer constraints and greater self-determination than early adolescence.
Typical developmental tasks in later adolescence include gaining autonomy from parents, internalizing morality, and making career choices. Newman and Newman posited that the elaboration of adolescence into two stages (early and late) is closely tied to social and historical changes. At the beginning of the 20 th century, there were few youth in the 12 to 18 age range who were in school, while at the turn of the 21 st century the majority of youths were in school. In the time period between the onset of puberty to adulthood, the time to gain independence has lengthened. Compared to 100 years ago, a longer period of education and training is now required. There are now also restrictions on employment of children under 16, fewer job opportunities for those without high school education, and an overall demand for more advanced interpersonal and technical skills in the workplace. In the context of future orientation, the importance of thinking about the future is especially pertinent for adolescents, as they are faced with a number of normative age-specific tasks, generally about their expected life-span development, set by their parents, peers, and teachers (Nurmi, 1991). Studies have also associated a positive sense of future orientation to positive development outcomes, such as scholastic achievement, social acceptance and psychological well-being (Schmid, Phelps & Lerner, 2011;Stoddard & Zimmerman, 2011). Elder (1998)   interests, values, commitments about the future, and concerns, doubts, and fears. The affective dimension includes evaluative emotions and attitudes such as feelings of optimism, pessimism, hopefulness and despair. Nurmi (1991) posited that these three aspects of future orientation -cognitive, affective and motivational -be viewed as a system rather than three separate entities. He explained that people set their goals based on their values, motivations and expectations about the future. Planning comes in next as individuals work out how they can realize their goals. They also evaluate the possibility of actualizing their plans and attaining their goals.

Affective Dimension: Worry about the Future
The evaluative feelings and attitudes described in Nurmi's definition of the affective dimension of future orientation include optimism, pessimism, fear and worry about the future. Of interest in this study is the amount of worry that these adolescents 9 have about the future in the United States. In this country, fearful and worrisome images have become common in pop culture, and adolescents are increasingly bombarded with messages regarding their safety and security (Brown, Teufel, Birch & Kancherla, 2006). Worry in adolescence is a phenomenon that emphasizes negative outcomes and uncertainty about future events (Laugesen, Dugas & Bukowski, 2001).
It has been associated with important behavioral and health outcomes, including insomnia, poor social skills, and weak academic skills, which put the students at greater risk for school failure or dropout (Brown et al., 2006). On the other hand, a hopeful sense for the future during adolescence can bring about positive change and successful transition into adulthood. Conversely, a negative sense of or lack of hope may lead some adolescents to be indifferent to risky behaviors that can adversely affect their future (Stoddard & Garcia, 2011). The content of adolescent worries in the context of future orientation have been found in the following three domains: (1) normative life-tasks, such as getting good education and employment, (2) nonnormative events relating to their parents and family, such as health and divorce, and (3) societal historical events, such as threat of war (Nurmi, 1991). Drawing from the life course theory, it makes sense that if one is worried about the future, one's larger social contexts and circumstances play an important role in creating this negative outlook.

Motivational Process: Aspirations
Adolescents' aspirations and goals act like a compass to guide and chart their life span and also direct how they spend their time and energy. For example, the association between adolescent career aspirations and adult career attainment is well established (Ashby & Schoon, 2012). Research has shown that young people with high career aspirations are more likely to enter a professional career and to earn more money in adulthood. Youths in the United States do have very high aspirations. Over 90% of today's high school seniors plan to go to college, and over 50% aspire to have professional and managerial jobs in their adulthood (Vuolo, Staff & Mortimer, 2011).
According to Newman and Newman (2012), the choice of occupation sets the tone for one's early adult lifestyle. One's choice of work also sets implications for income and earning potential, one's personal finances, social status, advancement and income opportunities and may also be an expression of one's value system.
With regards to material aspirations that are of interest to this research study, youth perceive consumption as a way to move out of or between social classes, and to gain the associated social power (Deutsch & Theodorou, 2010). Research has shown that youths' market-related aspirations are only modestly related to their family's socioeconomic status. Deutsch and Theodorou (2010) argued that consumption is a powerful tool for the making of identities. For youths, it might be especially true that their imagined future selves reflect the desire to cross social class boundaries. Hence, the acquisition of material goods associated with upper-class lifestyles may signal increased status and position in society.

Cognitive Process: Plans for the Future
Nurmi (2004) posited that adolescents think a great deal about their future, and that the content of future-oriented cognitions -even across cultures -is almost universally focused on education, vocation, family, and material and life style goals. Nurmi (1993) argued that these goals reflects the "cultural prototype" (p. 176) of the anticipated life-span development; that is, to first finish school, then get a job, get married and build a material base for their later lives. This ties in with the tenets of life course theory, where individuals construct their life trajectories within the set of social constraints around them, and suggests the importance of normative demands of late adolescence and early adulthood.
In addition, studies show that planning efficiency increases with age, and planning skills continue to develop from the teens to early 20s (Dreher & Oerter, 1987). In addition, as age increases, the realism in thinking about the future measured against levels of planning and realization of future goals also increases (Verstraeten, 1980). Studies that test for relationships between cognitive skills and planning skills showed low or no correlations (Nurmi, 1991). A possible explanation is that planning for the future becomes more meaningful and more encouraged by parents and teachers as adolescents grow older (Nurmi, 1991).

Purpose of Study
This study attempted to place the future orientation of adolescents in the context of the life course theory by examining the MtF, a cross-sectional dataset, on the future orientation of adolescents over a period of 33 years. Three aspects of future orientation were measured: worry (affective), planning (cognitive) and material aspirations (motivational). The research questions that guided the investigation were

Measures
The principal investigators of MtF have categorized several subject areas within the questionnaire. For this research study, the questions from Form 5 were selected, as it had the most questions relevant to future orientation. The MtF researchers at the University of Michigan recommend that all analysis use the sampling weights assigned to each participant . According to the researchers, the weights take into account "variations in the sizes of samples from one school to another, as well as (smaller) variations in selection probabilities occurring at the earlier stages of sampling" (p. 3). In this study, sampling weights assigned to each participant are used in all analyses.
Three scales were constructed from the MtF questionnaire to measure the three dimensions of adolescents' future orientation: the amount of worry they have about the country (affective), the value they place on planning for the future (cognitive), and their material aspirations (motivational). Different statistical procedures were used to construct each scale.
Worry scale: In Form 5, there are 11 questions on how often participants worry about specific problems facing the United States: "Chance of nuclear war", "Population growth", "Crime and violence", "Pollution", "Energy shortages", "Race relations", "Hunger and poverty", "Using open land for housing or industry", "Urban decay", "Economic problems" and "Drug Abuse". The responses were "1=Never, 2=Seldom, 3=Sometimes, 4=Often". As the 1977 dataset was used as the base year for comparison across the 33-year period, the 1977 data were analyzed to construct the multiple-item scale. An item analysis was first conducted to determine if the selected items relate strongly to the construct of interest (Green & Salkind, 2008). The internal consistency among the 11 items was good (Cronbach's alpha = 0.79), and all the itemtotal correlations were greater than 0.30. A principal component factor analysis was then conducted, which yielded one key component among the 11 items and the appropriate loadings of each item (Refer to Table 1 for the loadings of each item).
From the component loadings, the top three items were: "Hunger and Poverty", "Economic problems" and "Urban Decay". Finally, a mean Worry score was calculated for each participant by multiplying their answers for the items by the loadings and getting the mean of the 11 items. A high score indicates more worry.
Plans scale: In Form 5, there are five questions on plans for the future. The questions ask if participants agree or disagree with the following statements: "Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans hardly ever work out anyway", "People who accept their condition in life are happier than those who try to change things", " When I make plans, I am almost certain that I can make them work", "Planning ahead makes things turn out better", "I feel hesitant about taking a full-time job and becoming part of the "adult" world". The responses are "1="Disagree" 2="Mostly Disagree" 3="Neither" 4="Mostly Agree" 5="Agree". The responses for the items on planning and unhappiness, acceptance in life, and hesitancy were recoded so that the higher number reflects higher confidence placed on planning. An item analysis was conducted to assess if the five items correlate to the construct. The internal reliability scale for the five items was poor (Cronbach's alpha=0.50). Two items had the lowest item-total correlations: "People who accept their condition in life are happier than those who try to change things" (r=0.17), and "I feel hesitant about taking a full-time job and becoming part of the 'adult' world (0.11). According to Green and Salkind (2008), researchers should select items based on the correlations between the items and also how the items rationally and theoretically relate to the construct. Upon closer examination, these two items differ in conceptual meaning from the other three items, as they do not specifically refer to future plans. Based on these results, these two items were eliminated from the scale. The revised three-item scale yielded a coefficient alpha of 0.60 and the item-total correlations were all greater than 0.30. A principal component analysis for these three items also yielded one key component. A mean Plans score was calculated for each participant by obtaining the mean of the three items. A high score means greater confidence in planning for the future.
Material Aspirations scale: In Form 5 of the MTF survey, two questions on the desired amount of materialistic possessions in the future are asked: "When you are older, do you expect to own more possessions than your parents do now, or about the same, or less? I expect to own…?" and "Compared with your parents, what is the smallest amount that you could be content or satisfied to own? The least I could be content to own is…?". The responses were: "1="Much less than my parents" 2="Somewhat less than my parents" 3="About as much as my parents" 4="Somewhat more than my parents" 5="Much more than my parents". The internal reliability between these two items was acceptable (Cronbach's alpha=0.64). A mean Material Aspirations score was calculated for each participant by finding the mean of the ratings for both items. A high score indicates aspirations to exceed one's parents' material possessions.

Demographic variables:
Four key independent variables were examined for statistical relationships with these three scales over time: the gender of the respondents, the residential setting where respondent mostly grew up, and the highest level of schooling attained by the respondent's father and mother. Specifically, parents' education was the only indicator for the family socio-economic status. To derive more meaningful data from the statistical analyses and information that would be easier and simpler to interpret, two of the independent variables were recoded into smaller groups. The residential settings where respondents grew up were recoded from nine to three groups: "Small city/town or smaller" (under 50,000 people), "Medium city or suburb" (50,000-100,000) and "Large or very large city/suburb" (100,000 to over 500,000). The highest level of schooling completed by the father and mother of the respondents was recoded from seven to three groups: "Some high school or less", "Completed high school" and "Some college or more".

Data Analysis
The data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Version 19.0. For all analyses, a pvalue of less than 0.05 was considered significant.  (Green & Salkind, 2008). In addition, where there are unequal variances, the Dunnett's C test was used as the post hoc analysis for multiple comparisons. Dunnett's C multiple comparison is recommended for analysis with unequal variances with large sample sizes (Green & Salkind, 2008).

RESULTS
In this section, a description of the sample is first discussed, followed by the correlational relationship among the three measures, the historical trends of the scores over the 33-year period and demographic differences within the measures. Only statistically significant results are discussed.

Preliminary Analysis
From 1977 Table 2 for the mean Worry score by year). While, the overall trend was one of decline from 1977 to 2010, the pattern was one of alternating decrease and increase with three peaks and two valleys. For the Material Aspirations scale, participants reported a mean score that ranged from 3.05 to 3.35 (See Table 4  (mean difference=-0.11, p<0.05), from then it started to increase again. (See Figure 5 for the plot of mean Material Aspiration score by year). In summary, the mean Aspiration score increased from 1977 to 2010, with more gradual declines within the 33-year period.
As for the Plans for the Future Scale, over the 33-year period, respondents reported a mean score that ranged from 3.69 to 3.86 (See Table 6 (1977 to 1987, 1987 to 1992, 1992 to 2003, and 2003 and 2010) were not statistically significant in the mean Plans score. In other words, the statistically significant peaks and valleys of both measures did not coincide. As for the comparison between the trends of the mean Worry score and the mean Material Aspirations score, they did not run in the same direction of change.
Research Question Three: The third research question asked if there were demographic differences in adolescents' worries, the confidence they place on plans for the future or material aspirations. To answer this research question, each scale was first examined by demographic characteristics.
For the Worry scale, in terms of gender of the respondents, female respondents By the level of education attained by the respondents' Fathers, respondents whose Father did not complete High School reported the highest mean Worry score.
However, in the period from 1987 to 1992, and 1995 to 2002, the group whose Father completed some college or more education reported the highest Worry mean score than the other two groups. Respondents whose Father completed High School reported the lowest mean Worry score. Using the Dunnett's C test, there were significant differences amongst all three groups of respondents [Welch adjusted F (2, 40765.9) = 74.4, p<0.001]. The pattern over the 33-year period was also the same as that of the overall mean score (See Figure 11 for the line graph of mean Worry scale by Father's education).
As for the level of education attained by respondents' Mothers, respondents whose Mother did not complete High School reported the highest mean Worry score except for 1989 to 1994, 1995 to 1996, 1999 to 2000. Respondents whose Mother completed High School reported the lowest mean Worry score. This was the same result as that of the level of education attained by respondents' Fathers. Using the Dunnett C's test, there were significant differences among all three groups [Welch adjusted F (2, 37542.7)= 68.0, p<0.001]. The pattern over the 33-year period was also same as that of the overall Mean score (See Figure 12 for the line graph of mean Worry scale by Mother's education).
In summary, for the Worry scale, female respondents tend to worry more than males; respondents who grew up in large or very large cities worried most; and respondents of lower socio-economic status worried most.
The Material Aspiration scale was examined by demographic variables. Over In summary, in earlier cohorts, the males had higher material aspiration scores but in the more recent cohorts, females reported higher scores. Respondents who grew up in large and very large cities had the highest scores; and respondents of lower socio-economic status had the highest scores.  Figure 17 for the line graph of mean Plans score by gender).
In terms of residential settings, respondents who grew up in large or very large cities reported the highest mean Plans scores. In a few years namely 1984, 1986, 1990 to 1994, 1996, 2002 to 2003, 2003 to 2006, and 2008  By Father's education, respondents whose Fathers had at least some college level of education reported the highest mean Plans score, while respondents whose Father did not complete High School reported the lowest mean Plans score [Welch adjusted F (2, 37433.9) = 384.0, p < 0.000]. Using the Dunnett C's test, there were significant differences amongst the three groups. Also, the patterns of the three groups were similar over the 33-year period. (See Figure 19 for the line graph of mean Plans score by Father's education).
By Mother's education, respondents whose Mothers had at least some college level of education reported the highest mean Plans score, while respondents whose Mothers did not complete High School reported the lowest mean Plans score [Welch adjusted F (2, 34209.2) = 382.0, p< 0.000]. Using the Dunnett C's test, there were significant differences amongst the three groups. Over the 33-year period, the patterns of the groups "Some college or more" and "Completed High School" had similar peaks and valleys. The pattern of the group "Some High School or less" had more The first hypothesis predicted that the lower the sense of worry adolescents have about their social contexts, the higher the value placed on plans for the future.
This study provided weak evidence to support this hypothesis. The level of worry adolescents have and the value they place in plans for the future were only slightly correlated and did not have the same increases and decreases over time. Hence, the results suggest that the confidence that adolescents have in their plans for the future is not or is less influenced by social contexts, in contrast to the level of worry they have on national conditions.
The second hypothesis predicted that the lower the sense of worry, the higher the material aspirations. However, the results did not support this hypothesis. The amount of worry and the material aspirations of adolescents were only very slightly correlated, and the patterns of changes were not similar and often ran in opposite directions. This meant that the material aspirations of adolescents are not influenced by socio-historical contexts.
These findings are counter to Nurmi's argument that the three dimensions of future orientation are related. An alternative explanation could be that optimism for personal expectancy for success is the norm for children and adolescents (Kassinove & Sukhodolsky, 1995). Also, Poole and Cooney (1987) posited that youths separate their personal futures and societal futures. Personal futures were seen as more pleasant and proximal, while societal futures, especially nuclear war and political issues, were seen as more unpleasant and distal. Nurmi (1991)  This result is reflective of current times where women aspire to do as well as men professionally and financially. According to Reynolds, Stewart, Sischo & MacDonald (2006), the higher enrollment in college by racial and ethnic minorities and women reflects the greater opportunities available to them after the Civil Rights Movement and Title IX. Specifically of interest to our study, the educational attainments of young women have been steadily increasing since the 1970s and they have now surpassed men in college enrollment, earned bachelor's and master's degrees. At the same time, though, it should be noted that females tend to have more worries. This is consistent with studies that found boys to be more optimistic about the future, while girls are more pessimistic. One possible explanation posited by Nurmi (1991) is the increased challenge for girls in the modern female role to achieve both at home and their occupation.
The results of this study also clearly indicate that the future orientation of adolescents varies by socio-economic status. Respondents who were of lower socioeconomic status were more likely to worry about the country. This group also reported the highest material aspirations but they have less confidence in future plans compared to groups with higher socio-economic status. This finding is consistent with studies that show differences in future orientation by socio-economic status. Adolescents from higher socio-economic backgrounds tend to plan their future more than youths from relatively lower economic backgrounds (Nurmi, 1991). Also, adolescents from higher income families are more likely than adolescents from lower income family to aspire for professional jobs, to expect to stay on in education, and to perform better in examinations at the age of 16 (Ashby & Schoon, 2010).
By residential settings, respondents who lived in large or very large cities tend to worry more, had the highest material aspirations scores and place more value on plans for the future than respondents who grew up in other locations. While there is currently little research done on the differences in future orientation by residential settings, the results are consistent with studies that show that students from rural communities have limited exposure to a wide range of educational and career opportunities (Andres & Looker, 2001). This could explain why rural youths had lower material aspirations and lower confidence in their plans for the future.
Looking at the overall trends over time, adolescents' material aspirations increased while the value adolescents place on plans for the future had an overall decrease in the 33-year period. This can be worrisome, as planning is a process that helps individuals actualize their goals. Some scholars have also argued that planning for the future is an important developmental task in adolescence (see Seigner & Halabi-Kheir, 1998). In this current technological advanced age with an increase need for efficiency and speed in a competitive environment, making plans for one's future is an important skill to value and to possess.

Limitations
Many limitations are apparent in this research study. First, the life course theory studies development with a life-course perspective over time. However, the data in this study is cross-sectional with no longitudinal component.
The analysis was limited by the use of secondary data from the MtF study.
Hence, specific hypotheses to relate future orientation to significant socio-historical events and changes by demographic variable could not be developed and tested due to the limitation of the pre-determined questions in the MtF study. This was because this study used secondary data with predetermined questions from a larger study that prevented specific questions on such associations from being asked and tested.
Another limitation cited by the administrators of MtF is that it did not include those young men and women who drop out of high school before graduation. This subgroup accounted for between 12 and 15 percent of each age (2010). Another limitation is that the MtF survey tracked only two ethnic/racial groups for much of the earlier years: White and Black. In the later years, a Hispanic group was added. As a result, it was not possible for the purpose of this research study to track differences by ethnic backgrounds. In addition, even though the administrators stated that the items in the MtF survey had been carefully developed through a process of question writing, pilot testing, pretesting, question revision or elimination, it is disappointing that there was little empirical evidence on the reliability and validity of the questions in MtF.
Another limitation is that the MtF questionnaire was a self-report measure. The reliability of a self-report measure may be compromised. Some respondents may not be truthful in their responses, either because they could not accurately recall the answers or because they wanted to present themselves in a socially acceptable manner.
This latter explanation is known as the social desirability bias, which has been found to be a problem in self-report measures (Mertler & Charles, 2011).

Implications of Findings
The results of this study did provide implications for future research. This study suggested that some dimensions of adolescents' future orientation fit better with the life course theory than other dimensions. There might be other mediating factors that were not considered or taken into account in this study. Future studies could examine the relations between specific dimensions of future orientation against the specific significant socio-historical events (such as socioeconomic trends, global concerns and terrorism) at that point in time. Specific contents of future orientation that can also be studied include aspirations and plans related to education, career and family. Other affective dimensions that can be studied include feeling of optimism or sense of hope.
In addition, future studies should also explore the relationship between the future orientation and the demographic characteristics of adolescents.      Of all the problems facing the nation today, how often do you worry about each of the following? I: Urban decay 1="Never" 2="Seldom" 3="Sometimes" 4="Often" Of all the problems facing the nation today, how often do you worry about each of the following? J: Economic problems 1="Never" 2="Seldom" 3="Sometimes" 4="Often" Of all the problems facing the nation today, how often do you worry about each of the following? K: Drug abuse 1="Never" 2="Seldom" 3="Sometimes" 4="Often"

Material Goals
When you are older, do you expect to own more possessions than your parents do now, or about the same, or less? I expect to own…? 1="Much less than my parents" 2="Somewhat less than my parents" 3="About as much as my parents" 4="Somewhat more than my parents" 5="Much more than my parents" Compared with your parents, what is the smallest amount that you could be content or satisfied to own? The least I could be content to own is…? 1="Much less than my parents" 2="Somewhat less than my parents" 3="About as much as my parents" 4="Somewhat more than my parents" 5="Much more than my parents"

Plans for the future
During the data analysis the responses will be recoded where the most positive answer has the highest score of 5.
Do you agree or disagree with each of the following? Planning only makes a person unhappy since plans hardly ever work out anyway 1="Disagree" 2="Mostly Disagree" 3="Neither" 4="Mostly Agree" 5="Agree" (REVERSE CODING) Do you agree or disagree with each of the following? People who accept their condition in life are happier than those who try to change things 1="Disagree" 2="Mostly Disagree" 3="Neither" 4="Mostly Agree" 5="Agree" Do you agree or disagree with each of the following?